Alla auktioner på ett ställe

  • Vin & Sprit

    16 808 Till salu

    1 500 196 Sålda objekt

  • 0—3 970 000 000 SEK
  • 4 feb 1989—29 jul 2018

Sökalternativ

Rensa alla
- SEK
image
Dagens objekt!
Warhol, Andy

Utrop: 716 000 SEK

Vill du få dina saker värderade av experter?

Skicka in ett objekt valuation push image

An exceptionally important and fine doucai 'chicken cup' mark and

Arguably the most celebrated porcelain throughout the centuries, delicately potted with flawless translucent sides flaring out from the countersunk base to a subtly everted rim, the exterior painted in faint outlines of cobalt blue under the glaze and picked out in overglaze enamels of yellow, green, light and dark olive green, and two tones of iron red with a lively continuous scene of a red rooster and his golden hen out in a garden with their chicks, one side of the cup depicting the rooster with his head turned back to see the hen pecking at a red-winged insect on the ground as one of the chicks looks on, while the other two chicks chase each other around a small patch of leaves, the reverse with the proud rooster arching his neck forward raising his head with his beak slightly opened as if to crow, while the hen tends to their brood of chicks, the hen hunched over pecking at a red-winged insect on the ground as one of the chicks stands on her back and the other two peep for attention in the foreground, the two scenes divided on one side by jagged underglaze blue rocks and yellow lily flowers with bright green leaves, the other side with a rose bush issuing brilliant red flowers and lush leaves next to a blue garden rock, the entire cup painted in an artless style further reflected in the six-character reign mark in underglaze blue framed within double squares inscribed on the countersunk base, the immaculate porcelain body covered with a characteristic silky glaze, pooling on the base slightly veiling the mark The Meiyintang 'Chicken Cup' by Regina Krahl The term ‘chicken cup’, which denotes a tiny porcelain wine cup painted with cocks, hens and chicks, has for centuries evoked one of the most desirable possessions for connoisseurs of Chinese works of art – imperial and otherwise. A ‘chicken cup’ is the crowning glory of any collection of Chinese porcelain. Created in the Chenghua reign (1465-87), when quality was at its peak, ‘chicken cups’ are outstanding in their tactile material, their range of colours, and their charming, unmannered painting style. Since quantities produced were at that time rather low, it is today almost impossible to acquire a genuine Chenghua example, only three other examples being preserved in private collections. Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ were only ever offered for sale at auction at Sotheby’s, once during the 1960s, twice during the ‘70s, three times during the ‘80s, once during the ‘90s (the present cup), and none has been available since. A ‘chicken cup’ is not only celebrated as one of the finest and rarest specimens of Chinese ceramics – its materials, potting, painting and firing being of the highest quality – but it also is testimony to Chinese ceramic connoisseurship over the centuries and as such is a historical document that illustrates an aspect of China’s culture. Praised and desired by Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911) emperors and other discerning literati collectors, ‘chicken cups’ have acquired a legendary aura that goes well beyond their immediate art-historical importance. The Chenghua reign stands out among China’s imperial porcelain production for the unmatched level of craftsmanship and artfulness of its creations. For the longest part of the reign the style of the Xuande period (1426-35), the last reign before Chenghua to have produced fine imperial wares, remained influential. Only the final years of the reign saw a new departure of Jingdezhen’s imperial porcelain industry. This is when all the fine wares peculiar to this reign were created, including the ‘chicken cups’. Two major surveys of Chenghua porcelain have been published by Liu Xinyuan and Ts’ai Ho-pi, who agree on this point (Liu Xinyuan, ‘Jingdezhen chutu Ming Chenghua guanyao yiji yu yiwu zhi yanjiu/A Study of the Site of the Chenghua Imperial Kiln at Jingdezhen and Related Archaeological Finds’, in the exhibition catalogue A Legacy of Chenghua: Imperial Porcelain of the Chenghua Reign Excavated from Zhushan, Jingdezhen, The Tsui Museum of Art, Hong Kong, 1993, pp. 18-87; and Cai Hebi [Ts’ai Ho-pi], Chuanshi pin Chenghua ci/Everlasting Chenghua Porcelain, Taipei, 2003). Cai and Liu disagree, however, on the exact years of and precise reasons for this innovation, although the involvement of the Emperor’s notorious favourite concubine Wan Guifei seems without doubt, and the production period seems in any case to be confined to the decade prior to 1485, when the imperial kilns halted production. The characteristic porcelains of the Chenghua period, those of this late period, tend to be small and unpretentious, and seem at first glance unassuming and modest. They were intended for individual appreciation and handling rather than for display, and need a connoisseur’s glance and touch to be taken in in all their magnificence. Given the strict supervision and precise stipulations by the court in this period, it is hardly surprising that the material quality was improved compared to previous reigns, but it is most remarkable that the painted decoration on these cups could become so free and uncontrived. The painting tends to be much less formal and predictable than in previous reigns, with an unprecedented softness and elegance. Liu Xinyuan considers the distinctive, somewhat naïve calligraphy of the Chenghua reign mark to be that of the young Emperor himself, and marks enclosed in a double square, which are characteristic of doucai wares, were an innovation of the late Chenghua phase. Exactingly shaped and carefully finished, a ‘chicken cup’ with its recessed base and lack of a foot sits particularly well in the hand. The sensuous pleasure of the touch of a piece of Chenghua porcelain is well known, and Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ are no exception in this respect. The extremely fine, tactile white paste of late Chenghua wares that has no match among Jingdezhen porcelains of any period, is due to refined body and glaze recipes, with increased levels of aluminium oxide and reduced iron oxide compared to those of the Xuande reign, enabling higher firing temperatures and resulting in a whiter, denser biscuit, as well as a lower content of iron and calcium oxide in the glaze, making it clearer and finer and giving it a distinctive, soft sheen. The doucai colour scheme was not developed but refined in the Chenghua period. Doucai, has been translated as contrasting, contending, interlocking, joined or dovetailed colours, referring either to the contrast of the mostly primary colours or the fact that overglaze enamels are fitted into underglaze outlines. When imperial kilns made their first polychrome porcelains in the Xuande reign, it was ritual vessels with lançainvocations for use in Tibet, in a context where bright primary colours were revered. The delayed appearance of multi-coloured wares for use at court was obviously by choice. For the best wares of the Chenghua reign, such as ‘grape’ and ‘chicken cups’, attempts were made to increase the palette. ‘Chicken cups’ show different tones of red, a light and a dark olive green (green and yellow superimposed), yellow as well as a shaded pale underglaze blue used as a wash. For the chickens’ plumage several enamels were superimposed to create a rich variegated effect. The repeat firings necessary for this process naturally would have reduced the number of successfully completed examples. The design of a cock and a hen with chicks in a garden is not encountered on porcelain before the Chenghua reign. The subject matter, however, was a well-known topic of Song dynasty (960-1279) painting and the Chenghua Emperor inscribed a poetic colophon about the subject on a Song hanging scroll of a hen and chicks (see Ts’ai Ho-pi in The Emperor’s broken china. Reconstructing Chenghua porcelain, Sotheby’s, London, 1995, p. 22, fig. 1) (Fig. 1). The Wanli Emperor (r. 1572-1620) is known to have admired Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ in particular, which made them expensive already at that time. During the Kangxi period (1662-1722) their value rose even further and is said to have surpassed that of the celebrated Song wares. The Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736-95) wrote an ode in praise of ‘chicken cups’. To own a Chenghua doucai cup at that time had become synonymous with enjoying a small fortune. In the novel Hong lou meng (Dream of the Red Chamber) by Cao Xueqin (died 1763) Granny Liu accidentally drank from such a cup, making it thus unusuable for other members of the family. The cup was therefore kindly offered to the poor woman so that she would be able to live out her days on the proceeds. The National Palace Museum, Taipei, holds eight authentic Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ together with many later copies, all of them listed in Gugong ciqi lu [Record of porcelains from the Old Palace], Taipei, 1961-6, part II, vol.1, pp. 253-5, of which six genuine examples were selected for the exhibition Chenghua ciqi tezhan/Special Exhibition of Ch’eng-hua Porcelain Ware, 1465-1487, National Palace Museum, Taipei, 2003, cat. nos. 132-7; and two others for the exhibition Ming Chenghua ciqi tezhan [Special exhibition of Ming Chenghua porcelain], Taipei, 1977, col. pl. 1 and pl. 29, the latter illustrated again in colour in Porcelain of the National Palace Museum. Enamelled Ware of the Ming Dynasty, vol. I, Hong Kong, 1966, pl. 13. Five other museum collections can boast a Chenghua example: the British Museum, London, from the Sir Percival David Collection, included in the exhibition Flawless Porcelains. Imperial Ceramics from the Reign of the Chenghua Emperor, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, London, 1995, cat. no. 22; the Victoria & Albert Museum, London, illustrated in John Ayers, Far Eastern Ceramics in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1980, col. pl. 50; the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, from the Evill collection, published in the Museum’s Annual Report of 1965; the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, from the collection of W.W. Winkworth, sold in our London rooms, 27th November 1973, lot 308A, and again in our New York rooms, 4th December 1984, lot 332, and illustrated in Suzanne G.Valenstein, A Handbook of Chinese Ceramics, New York, 1989, col. pl. 24; and the Collections Baur, Geneva, from the George Eumorfopoulos and Mrs. Walter Sedgwick collections, sold in our London rooms, 2nd July 1968, lot 135, and illustrated in John Ayers, The Baur Collection Geneva: Chinese Ceramics, Geneva, 1968-74, vol. II, pl. A 141. The authenticity of two cups in the Palace Museum, Beijing, published as genuine in The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum. Porcelains in Polychrome and Contrasting Colours, Hong Kong, 1999, pl. 177, has been challenged by the late Julian Thompson, the world’s leading authority on Chenghua porcelain, who believed that there are no Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ remaining in mainland China. Only three other Chenghua ‘chicken cups’ appear to remain in private hands: two examples formerly in the collection of Edward T. Chow, one sold in these rooms 25th November 1980, lot 31, and illustrated in Jessica Harrison-Hall, Catalogue of Late Yuan and Ming Ceramics in the British Museum, London: The British Museum Press, 2001, p. 159 figs 2 and 3 centre; the other sold in these rooms 19th May 1981, lot 429 and now in the Au Bak Ling collection and included in the exhibition 100 Masterpieces of Imperial Chinese Ceramics from the Au Bak Ling Collection, Royal Academy of Arts, London, 1998; the third, formerly the pair to the present cup in the Dreyfus collection, exhibited together with it in the Oriental Ceramic Society exhibition 1957, and illustrated in the Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, vol. 30, 1955-57, pl. 46, no. 175 right, was sold in our London rooms, 2nd March 1971, lot 166. Even fragmentary ‘chicken cups’ appear to be rare among the excavations at the Ming imperial kiln site in Jingdezhen, where sherds of an unfinished cup, painted in underglaze blue only and still lacking the enamels, were recovered from the third and last Chenghua stratum, datable to the final years of the reign, and included in the exhibition The Emperor’s broken china. Reconstructing Chenghua porcelain, Sotheby’s, London, 1995, cat. no. 23. This clearly shows that the complete design was drawn onto the unglazed porcelain in pale underglaze blue before firing, even if some outlines were later hidden under the enamels. More recently sherds of enamelled ‘chicken cups’ have also come to light and one is illustrated in ‘Jiangxi Jingdezhen Ming Qing yuyao yizhi fajue jianbao/Brief Excavation Report on Imperial Kiln of the Ming and Qing Dynasties Located in Jingdezhen City of Jiangxi Province’, Wenwu 2007, no. 5, p. 25, pl. 78. A cup recomposed from sherds has been sold at Christie’s London, 16th November 1999, lot 195. The present cup comes now from the Meiyintang collection, one of the finest private collections of Chinese ceramics to have been assembled in the second half of the 20th century, and has a long history in the West, going back to the 1950s. It was then in the collection of Mrs. Leopold Dreyfus, a London-based collector, who owned an important but little known collection of Chinese ceramics, and lent to several exhibitions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, of which she was a member until the late 1980s. It comes in a box commissioned by the collector-dealer Edward T. Chow, and was probably once part of his vast holdings of outstanding ceramics, which are said to have included more than the two ‘chicken cups’ sold at Sotheby’s Hong Kong in 1980 and 1981. Many copies of doucai ‘chicken cups’ were made in the early Qing dynasty, with genuine Kangxi, Yongzheng ((1723-35) and Qianlong reign marks as well as with spurious Chenghua marks, with hall marks or without any mark. They vary considerably in the details of the decoration, but usually follow the early Ming prototype both in form and in the painting of the cocks with three long tail feathers. Compare two examples with Kangxi and Yongzheng reign marks illustrated together with one of the Ming originals from the Edward T. Chow collection, which they closely follow, in Cécile et Michel Beurdeley, La céramique chinoise, Fribourg, 1974, col. pls. 71 and 72. It was only in the Yongzheng period that the pattern underwent an updating and was redesigned, resulting in a free interpretation of the fifteenth-century model, see the cup also in the Meiyintang collection, illustrated in Krahl, op. cit., no. 1745, and pp. 218-19, figs. 19b and 20b, and sold in these rooms, 14th November 1989, lot 230.

  • HKGHongkong (S.A.R. Kina)
  • 2014-04-08
Slagpris
Visa pris

A magnificently carved lobed dingyao basin northern song dynasty

Sublimely potted with eight ethereal lobes rising from a flat base, the lobes delineated on the interior by sharp vertical lines of slip dividing the surface into eight panels, encircling the broad central medallion exquisitely carved with a full-bloom peony, the layers of the scalloped-edged petals accented with light combing, supported on a slender stalk issuing three serrated leaves with faintly incised veins, all framed by the deftly carved side panels, each with a slightly varying lotus sprig rising above a furled lotus pad with softly combed details, all placed to the left of centre, completely veiled in a silky ivory-coloured transparent glaze showcasing the white stoneware body, the plain sides of the exterior marked by the furrows of the corresponding lines on the interior, shaded in characteristic asymmetrical cream-coloured tear streaks running down the sides and pooling around the knife-pared bevelled edge encircling the flat base, the subtly concave base left plain save for a sweeping semi-circular graze giving the surface depth, the unglazed mouthrim crowned by a delicate copper-brown band elegantly contrasting against the white body Ding Ware at Its Peak Regina Krahl White porcelain, sparkling, glossy, smooth and impermeable, and thus appetizing and hygienic, is still the finest material available for tableware, catering to the most discriminating tastes even today. White Ding ware is and always was one of the most admired ceramic wares of China, much copied already at its time, standing out among the many wares of the Song (960-1279) as the best suited for food and medicine. True Ding ware is mostly of good quality and pleasing design, but this large bowl, which is unique, is outstanding in every respect, and represents a rare example of this ware at its very best: combining exquisite material with fine potting, a particularly successful shape with pleasing proportions, and a spirited, freely and distinctly incised design. Ding ware was always highly acclaimed at court. A tribute to the court of 2,000 pieces of Ding ware with metal-bound rim is recorded for the year AD 980. Many Ding vessels were discovered in the tomb of Emperor Taizong’s Empress, who died in AD 977 and was later reburied in AD 1000. A large number of Ding vessels from the Qing (1644-1911) court collection are still remaining in the Palace Museum, Beijing, others are in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, several of them bearing inscriptions by the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736-95). Many early Ding wares, particularly of the Tang (618-907) and Five Dynasties (907-960) periods, but also of the Song dynasty, are inscribed with the character guan (‘official’) or xin guan (‘new official’), and the excavations of the Quyang kiln sites in Hebei province have brought to light sherds of the Song and Jin (1115-1234) dynasties inscribed with the characters dong gong, ‘Eastern Palace’, and the names of two administrative units within the Court, Shangyaoju, the ‘Palace Medical Service’, and Shangshiju  the ‘Palace Food Service’ (for the former see, for example, Ding ci ya ji. Gugong Bowuyuan zhencang ji chutu Dingyao ciqi huicui/Selection of Ding Ware. The Palace Museum’s Collection and Archaeological Excavation, Palace Museum, Beijing, 2012, cat. nos. 3, 6-9, and 28; and Zhongguo gu ciyao daxi. Zhongguo Dingyao/Series of China’s Ancient Porcelain Kiln Sites. Ding Kiln of China, Beijing, 2012, cat. nos. 21, 42, 55, 68, 70, 77; for the latter see Tei yō. Yūga naru haku no sekai: Yōshi hakkutsu seika ten/Ding Ware. The World of White Elegance: Recent Archaeological Findings, Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 2013-14, cat. nos. 45-6 and 32-3). Ding ware has been located to kiln sites at Jianci, Beizhen, Eastern and Western Yanchuan and Yebei villages near Baoding city, Quyang county, Hebei province, although examples of similarly high quality have also been excavated in Jingxing county, further southwest in Hebei. Given the overall excellence of this white ware, it is only natural that the court would have picked it as one of its ceramics. However, in the Song dynasty, kilns working for the court were neither strictly controlled by the court nor restricted to cater solely for imperial use. The majority of Ding wares, beautiful though they are, are mass-produced and come from a production line, where shapes and designs had been expertly worked out to be repeated in large quantities in nearly identical manner. These include the vast number of bowls and dishes with swiftly incised overall designs that tend to blend in with the slightly opaque glaze and to form a fairly indistinct overall enhancement of the vessel, rather than standing out as distinct decoration. Often, the decoration does not take the shape of the vessel into account at all, and can even be partly obliterated by sharp grooves from subsequent moulding. The present bowl belongs to a very different category, to an exceedingly small group of Ding wares, which are individually modelled and decorated, of well-designed form and with distinctly rendered, naturalistic flower decoration that represents an integral part of the vessel’s beauty. The exquisite, deeply eight-lobed shape of the present bowl, reminiscent more of a fruit than a flower, is as satisfactory to hold like a plump, cut-open melon. Yet the potting is most delicate. The grooves, indented on the outside, form a sharp ridge on the inside, reinforced by added lines of slip. An expert potter’s finishing touch was a quick movement of a knife to pare off the edge around the base, to make the base narrower and the shape thereby much more elegant. Bowls of similar eight-lobed shape are extremely rare and generally undecorated around the sides. Compare four such bowls in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, one larger (25 cm, fig. 1), and three of similar size or smaller (20.5 cm, 22.5 cm and 22.9 cm), but with a shallow foot, and plain except for an engraved lotus motif in the centre and raised ribs inside, all included in the museum’s current exhibition Dingzhou hua ci. Yuan cang Dingyao xi bai ci tezhan/Decorated Porcelains of Dingzhou. White Ding Wares from the Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, 2014, cat. nos. II-80, 81 and 82; another (21.6 cm) of that type from the Sir Percival David Collection now in the British Museum, London, is illustrated in Margaret Medley, Illustrated Catalogue of Ting and Allied Wares, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, London, 1980, pl. VI, no. 42; and a smaller one (18.4 cm) excavated from a Jin tomb of 1177 and now in the Capital Museum, Beijing, is published in Shoudu Bowuguan cang ci xuan [Selection of porcelains from the Capital Museum], Beijing, 1991, pl. 48. A much smaller (10.6 cm) lobed bowl, probably reduced in height and referred to as a washer, but otherwise very similar, with a single lotus spray in the centre and plain sides with raised ribs inside, preserved in the Palace Museum collection, Beijing, is inscribed on the base ju xiu (elegance assembled); see The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum: Porcelain of the Song Dynasty, Beijing, 1996, vol. 1, pl. 82. A larger lobed basin (26.5 cm) in the Seikadō Bunko Art Museum, Tokyo, classified as Important Cultural Property, is a rare example with floral incising both inside and outside, but of coarser type, see Yutaka Mino, Chūgoku no tōji [China’s ceramics], vol. 5: Hakuji [White wares], Tokyo, 1998, col. pl. 47. Other large bowls with this bevelled edge around the base tend to be round, with indentations only faintly hinted at on the outside, and thus completely different in appeal; compare two large Ding basins (26 cm and 24.5 cm) from the Qing court collection in the Palace Museum, Beijing, both with straight rim and incised with indistinct overall lotus scrolls, illustrated in The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum: Porcelain of the Song Dynasty, Beijing, 1996, vol. 1, pls. 47 and 55; another (24.5 cm) in the Osaka Museum of Oriental Ceramics, classified as Important Cultural Property, is published in Mino, op. cit., col. pl. 46. A tree peony design, naturalistically represented with its serrated leaf, is extremely rare. A similar peony spray appears in the centre of two small dishes or brushwashers in the National Palace Museum, both of which are engraved on the base with an inscription by the Qianlong Emperor; see the exhibition catalogue De jia qu. Qianlong Huangdi de taoci pinwei/Obtaining Refined Enjoyment: The Qianlong Emperor’s Taste in Ceramics, National Palace Museum, Taipei, 2012, cat. nos. 5 and 6 (fig. 2); a dish with this design in the Nelson-Atkins Art Museum, Kansas City, is published in Zhongguo gu ciyao daxi, op. cit., p. 279, fig. 27. Lotus motifs are very common on Ding ware, but tend to be so sketchily rendered that they are sometimes interpreted as day-lily motifs, even though they are often combined with the arrow-head water plant. The lotus is rarely seen in the naturalistically manner as depicted here, with its leaf variously curled and turned in different directions. This motif appears similarly on only a few other fine Ding pieces, such as a six-lobed food bowl in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, included in the Museum’s current exhibition Dingzhou hua ci, op. cit., cat. no. II-39 (fig. 3); and a fragment of a similar Song bowl, that forms part of the Gugong’s vast sherd collection, which includes Ding sherds recovered from the kiln sites at Jiancicun and Yanchuancun in Quyang county, Hebei; see Gugong Bowuguan cang Zhongguo gudai yaozhi biaoben, vol. 2: Hebei juan  [Specimens from China’s ancient kilns preserved in the Palace Museum, vol. 2: Hebei volume], Beijing, 2006, pl. 169 top. On a lobed dish from the Qing court collection in the Palace Museum, Beijing, similar lotus sprays alternate with ducks, see Ding ci ya ji, op. cit., cat. no. 82, or The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum: Porcelain of the Song Dynasty, Beijing, 1996, vol. 1, pl. 61; an identical dish from the Kempe collection was included in the exhibition Chinese Gold, Silver and Porcelain The Kempe Collection, Asia House Gallery, New York, 1971, cat. no. 110, and sold in our London rooms, 14th May 2008, lot 258. The well-known record in a Song text that the court did not appreciate Ding wares because of their unglazed rims and ordered wares from the Ru kilns instead, has been discussed by Ts’ai Mei-fen of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, at a symposium organized by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, in 1996. She argued that unglazed rims were not the consequence of the kilns’ practice of firing bowls upside down, but that “the reason for the unglazed rim was that the metal-banded rim was the popular taste of the time”, approved even at court, and that “the practice of covering edges … began well before the Ting [Ding] kiln started firing its ware upside down. The practice was not introduced to cover up the unglazed rim, but, on the contrary, the unglazed rim was possibly instituted because of the popular practices of decorating edges.” She states that the Wensiyuan (Crafts Institute), a workshop for the production of jewellery under the Directorate for Imperial Manufactories, as well as the Houyuan Zaozuosuo (Palace Workshop of the Rear Garden), another workshop that produced articles for use in the inner court, both included a Lengzuo workshop, for the ‘decoration of edges’. Ts’ai suggests therefore that the quote does not refer to imperial taste but to the fact that metal-bound vessels were not considered suitable for certain imperial ritual ceremonies. See Ts’ai Mei-fen, ‘A Discussion of Ting Ware with Unglazed Rims and Related Twelfth-Century Official Porcelain’, Arts of the Sung and Yüan, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1996, pp. 109-31. On the present bowl the tactile ivory-tinged glaze, with its characteristic ‘tears’ of a deeper tone, preserves its attractive original lustre. Pieces of comparable quality are outstandingly rare and hardly left in private collections. The bowl was in the fabled collection of Alfred and Ivy Clark already in 1949, before Alfred Clark’s death, and featured in many important exhibitions, but has not been publicly shown since 1971, when it was last sold at Sotheby’s. Alfred (1873-1950, fig. 4) and Mrs. Ivy Clark (1890 or 91-1976), both major supporters of the London Oriental Ceramic Society and its exhibitions, started collecting in the 1920s. Edgar Bluett devoted two articles in the art magazine Apollo to their collection already in 1933 and 1934. Although they donated some of their pieces to the British Museum, the majority was sold over the years in different sales at Sotheby’s. Lady David, when asked whose collection Sir Percival David ranked highest, thought the collection of the Clarks would have been most to his taste (Orientations, vol. 23, no. 4, 1992). The Clark’s outstanding collection of Song ceramics, of which they lent twenty-eight pieces to the important Oriental Ceramic Society exhibition The Arts of the Sung Dynasty in London, 1960, also included the magnificent lobed Ru guanyao brush washer sold in these rooms, 4th April 2012, lot 101 and still holding the world record price for Song ceramics.

  • HKGHongkong (S.A.R. Kina)
  • 2014-04-08
Slagpris
Visa pris

The bay psalm book

The Whole Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre. Whereunto is prefixed a discourse declaring not only the lawfullnes, but also the necessity of the heavenly Ordinance of singing Scripture Psalmes in the Churches of God. [epigraphs from Colossians and James]. Imprinted: [at Cambridge, Massachusetts, by Stephen Day,] 1640 4to (174 x 104 mm). collation: *–**2, A–V W X–Z Aa–Ll4 (-Ll4): 147 (of 148) leaves (lacking errata); 37 sheets. The signing of the sheets betrays the printer's inexperience: both V and W were used as signatures and the first two sheets, A–B, were fully signed (e.g. A, A2, A3, A4); from C onward to the end, and including the two preliminary gatherings presumably printed last, the standard signing of the first 3 of 4 leaves was used, with errors: K3 signed K; R2 unsigned; S2 unsigned; Dd1 signed D; Gg2 signed Gg3 (note: S2 is not signed because the signature line is entirely occupied by text, so there was no room to set the signature and catchword. Similarly, K1r and N2r have the last line of text, signature, and catchword all set on the same line.) Sheet D inverted in reiteration and so printed (see below). Kk1.4 bound in reverse, possibly during 1850 rebinding. Standard page: 31 lines + headline + signature line. Principal text type is 95 English Roman. All errata, save one, are corrected by a contemporary hand. Additionally, the first verse of Psalm 100 (Z4v) has a contemporary manuscript emendation. Binding: Mid-nineteenth-century black morocco over bevelled boards, probably Bostonian, the covers panelled in blind, spine in six compartments, gilt-lettered psalmes in the second and imprinted | 1640 in the sixth, marbled endpapers, gilt edges, corners bumped, joints and hinges repaired. A pencilled note on the verso of the front free endpaper by Samuel T. Armstrong, a deacon of Old South Church, records that "This book was bound at the cost of Mr. Ed. Crowninshield and given in Exchange for no. 259 in the [1847] Catalogue. Jan. 1850." Provenance: Stephen Northup (d. 1687) of North Kingston, Rhode Island (notations on title-page verso) — Old South Church in Boston, possibly acquired by Joseph Sewall. Item 112 in the 1847 Prince Library catalogue and with shelf-mark 10.4.11. Condition: Title-page lightly silked on verso with minor marginal loss just touching ornamental border; *2–3 reinforced at inner margin; **4 repaired at inner margin, with small loss to lower fore-edge corner, and silked on blank verso; K1 with tiny loss at lower margin; W3v–W4r with small ink blot; Kk4 with 3 tiny holes costing bits of 4 letters; Ll3 shaved close at fore-edge verso just touching verse numbers; Ll3 with loss at lower fore-edge corner costing about 6 words; some browning throughout, occasional minor marginal chips or tears, a few tiny scattered ink-holes. The 1640 Cambridge, Massachusetts, Whole Booke of Psalmes, or “Bay Psalm Book”: the first book printed in British America, the first book written in British America, and the first book printed in English in the New World. The Bay Psalm Book is a religious and cultural manifesto of the Puritan Fathers and a towering icon of the founding of the United States. Of an edition of 1,700 copies, just 11 copies survive, of which this is one of only 6 that retain their original title-page. This is the first copy of America’s first book to appear at auction since 1947—when it set a record for the price of a printed book—and only the second since 1894. THE STORY OF THE BAY PSALM BOOK The Puritan Background The Puritan translation and printing of The Whole Booke of Psalmes was not simply coincident with the founding of America—in a very real way it was the founding of America. Puritanism began, in the phrase of Francis J. Bremer, as a movement to reform the English Reformation, and it counted among its basic tenets—in addition to its members leading devotional individual and community lives—removing remnants of Roman Catholic teaching and ceremony from the Church of England, making the holy scriptures available in the vernacular languages of worshippers, and supplying every parish pulpit with a university-educated preacher. The ascension of Charles I with his French Catholic bride in 1625—and the rigid enforcement of Anglican orthodox practices by William Laud, Bishop of London and from 1633 Archbishop of Canterbury—exacerbated the division between the Puritans and the hierarchy of the national church, and many Puritans saw emigration as the only way they could continue to live and worship in their chosen manner. Following the lead of John Winthrop’s eleven-vessel fleet that in the spring and summer of 1630 carried some 700 passengers to New England, between 1630 and 1640 about 20,000 English emigrants settled in the recently chartered Massachusetts Bay Colony. (During this “Great Migration,” a like number of Puritans emigrated from England to three other, variously welcoming destinations: the Netherlands, Ireland, and the West Indies, Barbados in particular.) But the Puritans sailed to the New World seeking not just to survive, but to flourish. John Winthrop’s shipboard sermon, “A Modell of Christian Charity,” has lost little of its inspirational authority over the succeeding centuries. In order to accomplish their goals, Winthrop advised his flock, the Puritans had only to “follow the counsel of Micah, to do justly, to love mercy, to walk humbly with our God. For this end, we must be knit together, in this work, as one man. We must entertain each other in brotherly affection. We must be willing to abridge ourselves of our superfluities, for the supply of others’ necessities. We must uphold a familiar commerce together in all meekness, gentleness, patience and liberality. We must delight in each other; make others’ conditions our own; rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together, always having before our eyes our commission and community in the work, as members of the same body. … [M]en shall say of succeeding plantations, ‘may the Lord make it like that of New England.’ For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us.” It is in this context—one of deliberation and intentionality—that the creation and printing of the Bay Psalm Book must be seen. Singing (& Translating) the Psalms One of the fundamental innovations of the Reformation was the introduction of psalm-singing by the entire congregation rather than just by a designated choir. Puritans, like most Protestant congregations, embraced the singing of psalms as part of their worship service. The founders of the Reformation, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Myles Coverdale, all wrote metrical translations or paraphrases of the Psalms, the most celebrated being Luther’s version of Psalm 46, “Ein Feste Burg ist unser Gott” (“A Mighty Fortress is Our God”). Of course, the Massachusetts Bay Puritans had psalters in England, and they undoubtedly carried to the New World both Henry Ainsworth’s version of the Psalms in prose and meter and the poetical paraphrases of Thomas Sternhold and John Hopkins. But there were political, or denominational, issues with both of these standard works that probably contributed to their not being officially adopted by the Cambridge congregation. Sternhold and Hopkins’s Book of Psalmes was essentially the authorized psalter of the Church of England, with some 200 issues passing through the press from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century. The Sternhold and Hopkins text was frequently appended to editions of the Geneva Bible and the Book of Common Prayer, a circumstance acknowledged in the preface to the Bay Psalm Book: “wee have cause to blesse God in many respects for the religious indeavours of the translaters of the psalms into meetre usually annexed to our Bibles.” But while the Puritans were not Separatists, they were Nonconformists, and they had left England not in order to replicate the Church of England but to reform it. They may have esteemed Sternhold and Hopkins’s “indeavours,” but they did not want to use them in their worship. Henry Ainsworth, an English minister and scholar, had been allied with the Puritans, but he eventually became a Separatist and settled in Amsterdam in 1593. There he pastored an English expatriate church and translated and had printed The Book of Psalmes: Englished both in Prose and Metre with Annotations (1612), copies of which landed at Plymouth Rock with the Pilgrims in 1620. Adopting Ainsworth’s Book of Psalmes would inevitably link the Puritans with the Separatist Pilgrims; moreover, the Bay Psalm Book preface mentions that there were objections to the “difficulty” of Ainsworth’s tunes. But overriding these parochial concerns, the ministers, if not the congregants, of Massachusetts Bay found many shortcomings in the standard metrical translations of the Psalms, as the preface details: “it is not unknowne to the godly learned that they have rather presented a paraphrase then the words of David translated according to the rule 2 chron. 29. 30. and that their addition to the words, detractions from the words are not seldome and rare, but very frequent and many times needles[s], (which we suppose would not be approved of if the psalmes were so translated into prose) and that their variations of the sense, and alterations of the sacred text too frequently, may iustly minister matter of offence to them that are able to compare the translation with the text. …” (Note: the “rule” in II Chronicles 29:30 reads, “Moreover Hezekiah the king and the princes commanded the Levites to sing praise unto the Lord with the words of David, and of Asaph the seer”; KJV.) Cotton Mather’s 1702 colonial history, Magnalia Christi Americana, provides a concise and, perhaps, somewhat more comprehensible synopsis of the Puritans’ position: “Tho’ they blessed God for the Religious Endeavors of them who translated the Psalms into the Meetre usually annex’d at the End of the Bible, yet they beheld in the Translation so many Detractions from, Additions to, and Variations of, not only the Text, but the very Sense of the Psalmist, that it was an Offence unto them.” And, so, as early as 1636 the New England Puritans were discussing the need for a translation that would more exactly express the Hebrew original, and the “chief divines” of Massachusetts Bay (to use Cotton Mather’s phrase) determined to produce their own metrical translation of the Psalms. The resulting text, The Whole Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre, was the work of several hands representing the intellectual genius of colonial New England. John Cotton, Richard Mather, Thomas Welde, John Eliot, John Wilson, and Peter Bulkeley were likely the principal authors, but others among the “thirty pious and learned Ministers” that Mather counted then in Massachusetts Bay may have contributed as well. Moreover, John Josselyn’s Account of Two Voyages to New England (London, 1674) records that when he visited Boston in June 1638, he carried to John Cotton “from Mr. Francis Quarles the poet, the Translation of the 16, 25, 51, 88, 113, and 137. Psalms into English Meeter, for his approbation,” and Cotton may have adapted some of these for the Bay Psalm Book. The Psalms are prefaced by, as the title-page has it, “a discourse declaring not only the lawfullnes, but also the necessity of the heavenly Ordinance of singing Scripture Psalmes in the Churches of God.” The preface, like the translation of the psalms, may have been a collaborative effort, but the surviving manuscript is in the hand of John Cotton. (No manuscripts of the metrical psalms themselves are known.) The preface to the Bay Psalm Book is a remarkable statement of purpose. It explicates the Puritans’ reasons for favoring scriptural psalms, particularly those of David, over psalms and hymns of more modern composition; for supporting the translation of the Hebrew psalms into English poetry; and for having the psalms sung during worship not by a choir or soloist, but “by the whole churches together with their voices.” Despite the Puritans’ insistence on congregational singing (contrasted with what the preface describes as “one man singing alone and the rest joyning in silence, & in the close saying amen”), the 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes does not contain any musical notation. While the inclusion of music, in either metal or wood type, would have complicated the printer’s task, the real reason notation is absent is that it was neither expected nor necessary. In fact, not until the putative ninth edition of 1698, printed in Boston by Bartholomew Green and John Allen, was the Bay Psalm Book printed with music. Instead of specific musical notation, the first edition of the Bay Psalm Book appends to the end of the text proper a brief “admonition to the Reader,” that explains that “The verses of these psalmes may be reduced to six kindes, the first wherof may be sung in very neere fourty common tunes; as they are collected, out of our chief musicians, by Tho. Ravenscroft.” In 1621, the English musicologist Thomas Ravenscroft published an expanded edition of Sternhold and Hopkins’s psalter under the title The Whole Booke of Psalmes, with the Hymnes Evangel­li­cal, and Songs Spir­it­u­all. Co­mposed in­to 4. Parts by Sun­dry Au­thors, with such sev­er­al Tunes as have beene, and are usu­al­ly sung in Eng­land, Scot­land, Wales, Ger­ma­ny, Ita­ly, France, and the Ne­ther­lands: Nev­er as yet before in one Vol­ume pub­lished. Ravenscroft himself wrote about half of the more than one hundred tunes featured in his compilation, and most Puritan congregants would have been familiar with the most popular of them. The “six kindes” of verses mentioned in the Admonition are distinguished by their metrical length. The first kind of verse referred to—those that could be sung to “neere fourty” tunes—is “common meter”: alternating lines of eight and six syllables. The third kind is “long meter,” in which all lines (usually in quatrains) are of eight syllables. The other four kinds of verses are to be sung to tunes for other, less common metrical schemes: quatrains of eight, eight, six, and eight syllables; alternating quatrains of six and four syllables; six lines of eight syllables; and eight lines of eight syllables. Most psalms could have been sung to a variety of tunes that would be well known to the worshippers. In the case of six psalms—51, 85, 100, 117, 133, 138—the Massachusetts Bay translators provided versions in both long and common meters, introducing the alternative translation as “Another of the same.” Thus the first two verses of Psalm 100 are given in long meter as Make yee a joyfull sounding noyse unto Iehovah, all the earth: 2        Serve yee Iehovah with gladnes: before his presence come with mirth. In the second, common-meter translation these lines run Make yee a joyfull noyse unto Iehovah all the earth: 2        Serve yee Iehovah with gladnes: before him come with mirth. John Cotton and his collaborators also use the preface to explain the method and purpose of their new translation. While the translators assume that “no protestant doubteth but that all the bookes of the scripture should by Gods ordinance be extant in the mother tongue of each nation, that they may be understood of all, hence the psalmes are to be translated into our english tongue,” they also argue that “as all our english songs … do run in metre, soe ought Davids psalmes to be translated into meeter. …” But they caution worshippers not to think “that for the meetre sake wee have taken liberty or poeticall licence to depart from the true and proper sence of Davids words in the hebrew verses, noe; but it hath been one part of our religious care and faithfull indeavor, to keepe close to the original text.” (One simple but significant way the Bay Psalm Book kept close to the original text was by dividing the Psalms into five books, as in the Hebrew original—and as Sternhold and Hopkins, for example, did not.) Four very particular principles of their “plaine and familiar translation of the psalmes and words of David” are detailed—and Cotton is at pains to explain that the New England Whole Booke of Psalmes is a translation, not a presumptuous “paraphrase to give the sense of his meaning in other words.” First, the Bay Psalm translators shunned additions, except when unavoidable even in prose translation. Second, they adopted—in the manner of English-language Bibles—English idioms rather than Hebrew ones, “lest they might seeme english barbarismes.” Third, they allowed themselves on occasion to contract or expand “the same hebrew word, both for the sense and the verse sake”: “as when wee dilate who healeth and say he it is who healeth; so when wee contract those that stand in awe of God and say Gods fearers.” Finally, in cases where a single Hebrew word cannot be adequately translated by a single English word, they have translated not just the word but what they deem as the “more full and emphaticall signification” of it, giving as examples “mighty God, for God”; “humbly blesse for blesse”; and “truth and faithfulnes for truth.” The final paragraph of the preface provides an eloquent and convincing justification of the resulting translation: “If therefore the verses are not alwayes so smooth and elegant as some may desire or expect; let them consider that Gods Altar needs not our pollishings: Ex. 20. for wee have respected rather a plaine translation, then to smooth our verses with the sweetnes of any paraphrase, and soe have attended Conscience rather then Elegance, fidelity rather then poetry in translating the hebrew words into english language, and Davids poetry into english meetre. …” Some of the translations in the Bay Psalm Book are undeniably awkward, but the full work does not merit much of the modern criticism that has been leveled against it. The translation certainly affords examples of psalms that are rendered intelligible but graceless, as for instance, Psalm 2: Why rage the Heathen furiously? muse vaine things people do; 2        Kings of the earth doe set themselves, Princes consult also: with one consent against the Lord, and his anoynted one. 3        Let us asunder break their bands, their cords bee from us throwne. 4        Who sits in heav'n shall laugh; the lord will mock them; then will he 5        Speak to them in his ire, and wrath: and vex them suddenlie. 6        But I annoynted have my King upon my holy hill 7        of Zion: The established counsell declare I will. God spake to me, thou art my Son: this day I thee begot. 8        Aske thou of me, and I will give the Heathen for thy lot: and of the earth thou shalt possesse the utmost coasts abroad. 9        thou shalt them break as Potters sherds and crush with yron rod. 10      And now yee Kings be wise, be learn’d yee Iudges of th’earth (Heare.) 11      Serve yee the lord with reverence, rejoyce in him with feare. 12      Kisse yee the Sonne, lest he be wroth, and yee fall in the way. when his wrath quickly burnes, oh blest are all that on him stay. But there are also psalms that are presented as emotive and appealing lyrics. The twenty-third Psalm, despite its familiarity in other versions, is here a poetic prayer that can stand comfortably with most seventeenth-century Colonial American verse:           The Lord to mee a shepheard is, want therefore shall not I, 2        Hee in the folds of tender-grasse, doth cause mee downe to lie: To waters calme me gently leads 3        Restore my soule doth hee: he doth in paths of righteousnes: for his names sake leade mee. 4        Yea though in valley of deaths shade I walk, none ill I’le feare: because thou art with mee, thy rod, and staffe my comfort are. 5        For mee a table thou hast spread, in presence of my foes: thou dost annoynt my head with oyle, my cup it over-flowes. 6        Goodnes & mercy surely shall all my dayes follow mee: and in the Lords house I shall dwell so long as dayes shall bee. (It is worth noting that the Bay Psalm Book’s translations of psalms 19, 23, and 107 are anthologized in the Library of America’s volume of American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. David S. Shields, 2007.) David Daniell, writing in The Bible in English, gives perhaps the fairest and most judicious recent assessment of the literary achievement of the 1640 Cambridge Whole Booke of Psalmes. While not blind to the shortcomings of some of the translations—indeed, he deems selected passages “not even passable poetry in English,” “nearly gibberish,” and “hardly verse”—Daniell acknowledges that many other contemporary metrical translations contained deficient, if not nonsensical, sections as well. Daniell further notes that “the very form itself, of Psalms intended to be sung in metre, invites a certain ruggedness. … The principles of Hebrew poetry were not yet fully understood in the West in 1640: those translators of Bay Psalms who did their best with the Hebrew still had to struggle with a fairly baffling original form, never mind the difficulty of getting it all into singable short verses in English, to be taken line by line by, or for, a congregation. Though tempting, it is quite wrong to bring to these verses high criteria of what lyric poetry should be. … There is no reason not to relish the bad lines: but what should be appraised is the religious energy that made the ‘first book printed in America’ … a book of congregational Psalms.” Printing the Bay Psalm Book But it is as a book and not as a text, that the Bay Psalm Book is best known, celebrated, and revered. And while the faithful translation into English meter of The Whole Booke of Psalmes could be accomplished with men and materials already in Massachusetts Bay Colony, its printing required the importation of both. The Reverend Jose Glover was a Puritan from a wealthy family of London merchants with interests in the West Indies. When the Massachusetts Bay Company was charted in 1628, Glover, like his brothers, subscribed for £50 of its capital stock, just as they had supported earlier colonizing efforts. In 1636, Glover resigned his pulpit in Surrey rather than read from it—as was required by Archbishop Laud—a decree allowing “lawful recreation” after Sunday worship service. Two years later, Glover had determined to settle in Massachusetts Bay, and in the summer of 1638 he secured passage for his family on the ship John of London. In addition to his wife and five children, servants, and household furnishings, Glover sailed with a printing press valued at £20; 240 reams of paper worth £60; and a case of assorted type. It was the inclusion of these stores among the vessel’s cargo that led Samuel Eliot Morison to call the John of London “the publishing fraternity’s Mayflower.” Glover also had under his custody on the John of London one Stephen Day, a locksmith by trade, who was indentured to the Glovers and who himself was accompanied by his wife, children, and servants. But the father of the American press was fated to beget a posthumous child: the Reverend Glover died during the voyage to Boston Harbor. Undeterred, Glover’s widow, Elizabeth, established the press at Cambridge by the end of 1638. Stephen Day—perhaps assisted by his eighteen-year-old son Matthew, who may have been apprenticed as a printer in London—acted as compositor and pressman. The press was probably set up at the house that Mrs. Glover had purchased for Day on Crooked Lane, now 15 Holyoke Street. A somewhat cryptic memorandum of uncertain date (but evidently before 1654 or 1655) copied into Harvard’s College Book III records that “Some Gentlemen of Amsterdam gave towards the furnishing of a Printing-Press with Letters … fourty nine pound & something more,” but there is no reason to think this is any more accurate than the preceding entry, which states “Mr Joss: Glover gave to the Colledge a ffount of printing Letters.” It seems more likely that Glover intended to found his own independent printing shop, perhaps as a form of ministry. (Three years after fulfilling her late husband’s vision, the widow Glover would marry Henry Dunster, the first president of Harvard College, and after Elizabeth’s death in 1643, Glover’s press and type—the latter perhaps only briefly—did find their way to Harvard.) The press seems to have excited a good bit of local interest, perhaps because it was seen as legitimizing the cultural aspirations of Bay colonists. On 7 September 1638, the Reverend Edmund Browne wrote to a colleague in England, “We have a Cambridge here, a college erecting, youth lectured, a library, and I suppose there will be a presse this winter.” Within three months, the press had arrived in Cambridge, as attested by letter from Hugh Peter, 10 December 1638, to Patrick Copland in Bermuda: “We have a printery here and thinke to goe to worke with some special things. …” In short order, the Cambridge, Massachusetts, press was in operation. In a journal entry for March 1639, John Winthrop noted “A printing house was begun at Cambridge by one Daye, at the charge of Mr. Glover, who died on seas hitherward. The first thing which was printed was the freeman’s oath; the next was an almanack made for New England by Mr. William Peirce Mariner [master of one of the ships of the Winthrop fleet]; the next was the Psalms newly turned into metre.” The Freeman’s Oath had to be sworn to by any man twenty years of age, and six months a householder, wanting to become a citizen of the Massachusetts Bay Colony and thus be eligible to hold office and vote in elections. Stephen Day’s edition of the oath was likely imposed as a small handbill, and although the printing historian Hugh Amory speculated that as many as 2,000 copies were printed, no copies are known to survive. The text of the Oath, however, is preserved by later printings—notably its inclusion in John Childs’s 1647 New-Englands Jonas Cast Up at London, from which Mark Hoffman took the text for his notorious forgery. About William Peirce’s almanac—no copies of which, authentic or forged, are recorded—nothing is known, including its format, text, or the size of the edition. It is worth noting that not only is there no evidence to corroborate Winthrop’s recollection of the mariner’s almanac, the reference to it in his holograph journal is crossed out. About “the Psalms newly turned into metre” much is known. The edition was substantial, about 1,700 copies, a number that can be extrapolated from the documentary evidence of a suit brought against Henry Dunster by the heirs of Jose and Elizabeth Glover in 1656. After Elizabeth’s death in 1643, Dunster ran the press for six years. In 1649 he leased it to Samuel Green, and when he retired from the presidency of Harvard in 1654, he sold the press to the college. This last action seems to have prompted the Glover children to seek the return of what they considered their property, as well as an accounting of Dunster’s printing activity. (Dunster was ordered by the Middlesex Court to make restitution in the amount of £117, about half of which was accounted for by the press and that portion of the Glovers’ paper stock remaining at the time of Dunster’s marriage to Elizabeth.) The Stephen Day-Samuel Green accounts, published in Hugh Amory’s First Impressions, indicate that The Whole Booke of Psalmes was printed on 37 sheets of paper and that 130 reams were consumed by the edition. Since each ream was comprised of 480 sheets, the number of copies printed can be easily calculated. The reams of paper carried to Boston with the rest of the printing equipment acquired by Jose Glover were typical of the paper used by dozens of London printers in hundreds of publications of the later 1630s. The great majority of the paper used by the London shops, and thus the paper commonly supplied by English paper merchants, was imported from Norman and Breton paper mills, in the small size usually called Pott, with sheet dimensions of approximately 30 × 40 cm. Pots were a common watermark type for this size, but various mills used also other watermarks, one of the most common being a depiction of two columns, with the papermaker’s initials in a banderole between them and a surmount of a grape cluster. In the English paper trade this was called Pillar paper, and Edward Heawood’s Watermarks, Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries provides a good conspectus of these under the heading “Post or Pillar.” In this copy of the Bay Psalm Book there are two different Pillar stocks, one appearing in ten sheets, and quite close in type to Heawood’s no. 3506, which he traced from a copy of Wye Saltonstall’s English translation of Historia mundi: or Mercator’s Atlas, folio, printed in London by Thomas Cotes, 1635. There are at least seven different stocks of Pot-watermarked paper in the present copy, some with double handles and some with single, one of which is of the type of Heawood nos. 3626-3627. The 1649 Platform of Church Discipline (“Printed by S[amuel] G[reen] at Cambridge in New England … 1649”, 4to) was also printed on a mixture of Pot- and Pillar-watermarked papers, which may have represented the last remainder of Glover’s original paper stock. The type of the Bay Psalm Book, unlike the paper, was of English manufacture. The text type is a 95 English Roman (i.e., 20 lines of text type measure 95 mm), but an 83 Pica and a 53 Brevier appear as well, as do larger display capitals, a Hebrew font, a very few printer’s ornaments, and various other sorts. Writing in his History of Printing in America (1810), Isaiah Thomas described the type as “Roman, of the size of small bodied English, entirely new, and may be called a very good letter.” The type was not new, however. Some of the pieces are visibly worn, and Amory speculates that “Glover surreptitiously obtained his type from the stock of a sympathetic printer like [the Puritan William] Jones, and not directly from one of the four licensed English founders, who were much more strictly supervised.” This would also help explain some of the deficiencies in Day’s type-case: italics seem to be in short supply and he evidently had no apostrophes at all, having to set inverted commas in their stead. In addition, some of the Hebrew characters appear to have been cut in wood, perhaps necessitated by missing sorts. Whether metal or wood, the Hebrew letters in the Bay Psalm Book represented the first Hebrew printing in the New World. Day imposed The Whole Booke of Psalmes as a quarto, although an octavo format would have been much more efficient. (Amory calculates that printing the book as an octavo would have saved more than half the paper that was used.) But an octavo imposition is much more complicated, with eight pages (rather than four) having to be set for the outer and inner forme of each sheet. In addition, Day’s principal text type, the 95 English Roman, was not well suited to the smaller format. Stephen Day is remembered as America’s first printer, but not as an accomplished one. His lack of experience, coupled with an extreme idiosyncrasy in spelling, produced a book that, in the words of George Parker Winship, “looks the part that the fates assigned it to play. It has every appearance of being an effort of beginners on a remote frontier.” (One example of Day’s inexact orthography is found in the preface where two successive paragraphs include the spellings “metre,” “meeter,” and “meetre.”) The faults of the book are as obvious as they are understandable, and Isaiah Thomas summarized them 200 years ago: The Bay Psalm Book “abounds with typographical errors. … This specimen of Daye’s printing does not exhibit the appearance of good workmanship. The compositor must have been wholly unacquainted with punctuation. ‘The Preface,’ is the running title to that part of the work. ‘The.’ with a period, is on the left hand page, and ‘Preface.’ on the right. Periods are often omitted where they should be placed, and not seldom used where a comma only was necessary. Words of one syllable, at the end of lines, are sometimes divided by a hyphen; at other times, those of two, or more syllables, are divided without one; the spelling is bad and irregular. One thing is very singular—at the head of every left hand page throughout the work, 'PSALM' is spelled as it should be; at the head of every right hand page, it has an E final, thus, 'PSALME.'" Long as Thomas’s litany of Day’s eccentricities is, it can be expanded. Day not infrequently set catchwords to correspond with the running-head rather than with the first word of the text. He sometimes used the running-head as the caption-title for a psalm beginning a new page. He freely substituted wrong-font italic capitals for the appropriate roman correspondents. He employed ligatured sorts indifferently with non-ligatured ones. He inked the type unevenly, and occasionally entire lines are printed in blind. He did not clean his type well between pulls, and there is ample evidence of dirty or ink-clotted type, and occasionally of pulled letters. The ink, a compound of lampblack and varnish, was presumably made by Day. One significant error undoubtedly demonstrates Day’s inexperience. In the present copy, and in the copy given by Middlecott Cooke to Harvard, sheet D was turned upside down in reiteration. The outer forme is printed correctly, but the inner is inverted, so that D1r is backed by D3v, D2v is fronted by D4r, D3r is backed by D1v, and D4v is fronted by D2r. While this is a printer’s error and not an issue point, it is certainly likely to have occurred early in the press run and not to have affected many copies. Hugh Amory was the first to publish this mistake, but his melodramatic description seems overwrought, particularly when contrasted with the reaction of the first (or at least early) owner of the present copy. While Amory imagines a “disaster” analogous to a computer crash “erasing hours of toil,” the staid seventeenth-century reader, recognizing that nothing was lost or erased, simply made a few concise annotations indicating how the printer’s mistake could be corrected: thus, “miss 2 leaves” at the foot of D1r and D4r and “Turn back a leafe” on D3r and D2r. Day acknowledged that his printing included mistakes by including a highly selective list of errata, headed “Faults escaped in printing,” on the recto of the final leaf of The Whole Booke of Psalmes. While he cites only seven faults specifically, Day recognized that there were inevitably more than that, directing the reader that “The rest, which have escaped through oversight, you may amend, as you finde them obvious.” The seven errors he does list are an odd lot. The first seems extraordinarily exacting, considering the standard of spelling throughout the volume: Day instructs that in Psalm 9, verse 9, the word “oprest” should be corrected to “opprest.” Other of the faults are more substantive: in Psalm 21, verse 8, the inaccurate reading “the Lord” is to be replaced by “thine hand,” and in Psalm 143, verse 6, “moreover I” is to be substituted for the erroneous “I even I.” But the proofreading of the Bay Psalm Book was arbitrary at best. Psalms 9 and 18 both have two errata noted, but no faults at all are pointed out between psalms 21 and 143. One of the errors cited in the “Faults escaped” is that in verse 29 of Psalm 18 the word “thee” appears as “the.” But this is a mistake that appears, unremarked, elsewhere in the book, including in the first verse of Psalm 9—the facing page of which contains two of the seven printing errors noted in the errata. In this copy, all of the mistakes pointed out by the printer, save one, have been neatly corrected by an early reader. There are press corrections in the Bay Psalm Book as well, some certainly the work of Day himself, but at least one reveals the hand of one of the “learned Ministers.” Verse 23 of Psalm 69 reads in the present copy, “And let their eyes be darkened / that they may never see: / with trembling also make their loynes / to shake continuallie.” This reading is found in all extant copies save the one remaining in the collection of the Old South Church in Boston, where the final two lines are set as “their loynes also with trembleing / to shake continuallee.” Because of the imbalance of the surviving versions—and because the common reading is a better parallel to the preceding line “And let their eyes be darkened”—this emendation must have been made very early in the press run. Since he was known as a locksmith, and because his few surviving holographs show him to be poorly lettered, Stephen Day has frequently been pushed aside by historians who suppose it more probable that it was Matthew Day who actually first operated the Cambridge press. But contemporary documentation supports Stephen. In December 1641, the General Court granted the elder Day “300 acres of land where it may be convenient, without prejudice to any towne” in consideration for his “being the first that set upon printing.” This grant was reconfirmed in 1655 “for Recompence of his Care and Charg in furthering the worke of Printing.” And there is also his own testimony from a suit he brought against Henry Dunster in Middlesex Court in 1656 seeking £100 for his “Labour and Expences about the printing presse and the utensils and appurtenances thereof, and the mannaging the said worke.” (The court found for the defendant and Day was ordered to pay costs.) Matthew Day did succeed his father as printer at the Cambridge press in 1643, likely at Dunster’s insistence. And the quality of the printing was improved. The output of the press became even more artful when Samuel Green took over the shop about 1649. It is inconceivable that Stephen Day could have managed—at all, let alone elegantly—the composition and printing of Mamusse wunneetupanatamwe up-Biblum God, John Eliot’s Indian Bible, which Green so successfully managed with the assistance of Marmaduke Johnson and James Printer. But Stephen Day was the first, and if he was a locksmith by trade rather than a printer, then the magnitude of his accomplishment ought to be enhanced rather than diminished. His edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes is not just a book; it is a sacred relic of America’s founding and a touchstone of America’s material and intellectual culture. In no other country has the product of the hand printing press had the historical impact that it did in the United States, from John Peter Zenger’s New-York Weekly Journal to Benjamin Franklin’s Poor Richard’s; and from Thomas Paine’s Common Sense to John Dunlap’s broadside of the Declaration of Independence to his publication of the Constitution in the Pennsylvania Packet. And these all had as their progenitor Stephen Day’s imperfect, yet somehow irreproachable, printing of the Bay Psalm Book. Stephen Day merits gratitude and commendation, and he deserves the encomium that Walt Whitman offered more than two centuries later to others, who like Day, left the past behind to seize “a newer, mightier world, varied world, … world of labor and the march”: Pioneer! O pioneer! The Reception and Continued Significance of the Bay Psalm Book If later readers freely found fault with the translations in the Bay Psalm Book, many contemporary readers fully embraced it. The volume was sold for twenty pence, and the 1640 edition was immediately adopted by nearly every congregation in the southern part of Massachusetts Bay—hence the volume’s familiar name. Still, an edition of 1,700 copies was very large for the population of the colony—which has been estimated to be about 3,500 families totaling between 15,000 and 20,000 individuals. And some colonists, notably the Pilgrims who had settled around Plymouth, did not adopt the Cambridge Whole Booke of Psalmes. It is likely, then, that some copies were sent to England—perhaps surreptitiously, since the book violated the Stationers’ Company’s patent. Portions of the Bay Psalm Book preface were included in Nathanael Homes’s survey of Gospel Musick (London, 1644), and the work of the “chief divines” of New England was first reprinted in an authorized London edition of 1647. Of that large first edition of 1640, just eleven copies are known to have survived, five of which lack their title-pages—further evidence of the popularity of the work. The Bay Psalm Book was intended as a utilitarian book for the common people (in a way that the Gutenberg Bible surely was not), and copies were subjected to hard and constant use. A second American edition was issued in 1651, revised by Henry Dunster and Richard Lyon, partly because, according to Increase Mather’s Magnalia, “It was thought that a little more of Art was to be employed upon the verses.” Wilberforce Eames identified more than fifty additional editions of the Bay Psalms, which continued to be printed into the second half of the eighteenth century in New England, England, and Scotland. The scholars and ministers  of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, who, according to their preface, had “attended Conscience rather then Elegance, fidelity rather then poetry, in translating the hebrew words into english language,” created a work that would shape the religious and social life of the new nation. They created a work that is as much an icon of the founding of America as Plymouth Rock—and nearly as durable. They also created a new center of publishing: by 1700, Boston had surpassed Oxford and Cambridge to become the second most active publishing center of English-language books in the world, behind only London. Thomas Prince and the Book Collections of the Old South Church in Boston The Puritans were a bookish people. Printing was one of the first commercial enterprises of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. So it is no surprise that the Old South Church, established in 1669, quickly became one of the chief repositories of historical and theological books in New England. Of course, the first books in the Church’s library would not have been collected as artifacts; they would simply have been part of the “furniture and fixtures” of an active congregation. One explanation—perhaps the only plausible explanation—for the Old South’s having at one time five copies of the Bay Psalm Book is that several of them were probably there since the beginning, as utilitarian hymnals of founding members. The Church also undoubtedly made an effort to stay current with the published sermons and other pamphlets of the principal Congregationalist ministers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including the prolific Mather family. Bequests of various sizes also helped to fill the shelves of the Old South’s steeple chamber. During the first half of the eighteenth century, the book collecting of the Old South Church became a bit more systematic and scholarly. This was due to the conjunction of two remarkable co-ministers, the Reverends Thomas Prince and Joseph Sewall. From 1713 through 1769, one or both of these men filled the pulpit at Old South, and each left a legacy not only of ministry, but also of bibliography. At his death in 1758, Thomas Prince bequeathed to the Church his self-designated “New-England Library,” which likely included two copies of the Bay Psalm Book. (Prince has popularly been credited with having collected all five copies of the 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes once belonging to Old South, but this is certainly not the case.) Sewall survived Prince by eleven years, and a major portion of his library was also left to the Church. Thomas Prince (1687–1758) grew up with access to the library of his grandfather, Thomas Hinckley, the last governor of Plymouth Colony, and he early developed an appreciation of books. In addition to printed books, the young Prince learned the importance of preserving manuscripts and ephemera, much of which he utilized in compiling his Chronological History of New-England in the Form of Annals (Boston, 1736). Prince had begun his New-England Library shortly after entering Harvard in 1703; he wrote in the preface to his Chronological History that his passion for collecting was inspired when he “chanced in my leisure Hours to read Mr. Chamberlain's Account of the Cottonian Library: Which excited in me a Zeal of laying hold on every Book, Pamphlet, and Paper, both in Print and Manuscript which are either written by persons who lived here, or that have any Tendency to enlighten our History.” Following his graduation from Harvard, Prince travelled through the West Indies and Europe for two years before settling in England. During this period, and until his return to Massachusetts in 1717, he gathered a sizeable theological library, which he augmented with the works of many of his colonial contemporaries, particularly the Mathers, with whom he was closely associated. Prince had two distinct bookplates made, one for his New-England Library and the other denominated for his “South-Church-Library in Boston, Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince upon his being ordain’d their colleague Pastor with the Rev. Mr. Joseph Sewall, Oct. 1. 1718.” The 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes, of course, united Prince’s two bibliographical interests. He can rightly be adjudged the Cardinal Mazarin of the Bay Psalm Book, being the first to promote, if not to recognize, the primacy of the work in American printing. His final bibliographical work was his own edition of the Bay Psalms, incorporated into The Psalms, Hymns, & Spiritual Songs of the Old and New Testament, faithfully translated into English Meter. Being the New-England Psalm-book, revised and improved, which was published in Boston by Henchman and Kneeland in 1758, just in time for selections to be read at his funeral. Following Prince’s death, His “books and papers,” according to the 1870 catalogue of the collection, “were deposited on shelves, and in boxes and barrels in a room in the steeple of the church, under the belfry, which according to tradition had been Prince's study. There this valuable deposit was left for many years without care, and subject to many vicissitudes. During the siege of Boston in 1775-6, the Church, being used as a riding-school by the British troops, was often frequented by idle spectators, who must have had access to the collection, and may be responsible for some of the loss it has sustained. In heating the building, it is known that the pulpit and pews were consumed, and the parsonage which stood adjoining and had been the mansion of Winthrop, the first governor of the Colony, was demolished to keep up the fires during the long winter.” Beginning in 1814, several attempts were made to compile a catalogue of the Library of the Old South Church. Perhaps because of his penchant for better organization, including having bookplates for many of his books, Prince’s fame in the nineteenth century had eclipsed that of the Rev. Sewall and others of his contemporaries. During this period, the term “Prince Library” came to be used as a convenient generic designation for all of the books belonging to the Old South Church, regardless of their individual provenances. Because of this imprecise nomenclature, hundreds of items never owned by Prince (including more than 250 volumes from the Sewall family alone) were included in the published inventories of the purported “Prince Library.” The 1846 Catalogue of the Library of Rev. Thomas Prince, former pastor of the Old South Church. Presented by Him to the Old South Church and Society provides an example of the inexact treatment of the books in the Church’s library. Five copies of the Bay Psalm Book are noted, but under four different headings. Four copies are cited in Part I of the catalogue, devoted to the “Chiefly Religious” works: no. 112, placed with the quartos, is described as “The Whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre, (imperfect.) 1640.” No. 259, among the duodecimos, is catalogued as “The whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre. 1640. (Perfect copy.).” No. 579 describes two further copies, shelved with the octavos: “The Psalms in English Metre, 1640. 2 copies—(one imperf.).” The fifth copy is catalogued as no. 132 in Part II, “Select Catalogue of Historical Works … in the Rooms of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” with the octavos, as “The Whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre, 1640.” As the size and significance of the Old South’s library outgrew the Church’s ability to properly administer it, the deacons placed the Church’s books on deposit at the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1814. In 1866, the deacons transferred the deposit to the Boston Public Library, where the book collection of the Old South Church continues to be housed.

  • USAUSA
  • 2013-11-26
Slagpris
Visa pris

Femme, oiseau

Painted circa 1969. Signed Miró; signed Miró., titled Femme, oiseau, dated 1969 and 4/IX/74 on the reverse Mirós Femme, oiseau, painted in the last decade of his life, is a poetic example of abstraction at its most daring. Although no identifiable features of a woman or a bird are visible, the artist evokes the gestural motions of these figures through the sweeping arabesques of his brushwork. When he painted this work in 1969 and 1974, Miró was primarily concerned with reducing his pictorial language to its barest essentials. Through this rarefaction and seeming lack of prudence, explains his biographer Jacques Dupin, the canvas pictorial energy was in fact magnified, and his painting strikingly reaffirmed. This process also seemed like a breath of fresh air, or an ecstatic present from which new signs, colors, and the full freedom of gesture surged forth. By limiting  the colors of his palette, Mirós enduring themes yielded works of various sizes, proportions rhythms, and resonances. (J. Dupin, Miró, Barcelona, 1993, pp. 337-38) The frenetic expressiveness of the artists brushwork here calls to mind the works of Willem de Kooning completed around the same time. After his trip to New York in 1947, Miró became acquainted with the art of the Abstract Expressionists and was fascinated by their techniques and their aesthetic agenda. As the artist later recalled, the experience of seeing canvases of the Abstract Expressionists was like a blow to the solar plexus. Several young painters, including Jackson Pollock, were crediting Miró as their inspiration for their wild, paint-splattered canvases. In the years that followed he created works that responded to the enthusiasm of this younger generation of American painters and the spontaneity of their art. It was also under their influence that he started painting on a large scale, such as in the present work. The paintings he created from the early 1950s onwards are a fascinating response to these new trends of abstraction, while at the same time showing Mirós allegiance to his own artistic pursuits. By the time he completed the present work in 1974, Mirós composition had gained a level of expressive freedom and exuberance that evidenced his confidence in his craft. Images of women, stars, birds and moons were omnipresent in his pictures to the point that these elements became memes for the artists own identity. Jacques Dupin elaborated on the semiotic importance of the figuration in these late paintings, [t]he sign itself was no longer the images double, it was rather reality assimilated then spat out by the painter, a reality he had incorporated then liberated, like air or light. The importance of the theme now depended on its manner of appearing or disappearing, and the few figures Miró still endlessly named and inscribed in his works are the natural go-between and guarantor of the reality of his universe. It would perhaps be more fruitful to give an account of those figures that have disappeared than of the survivors. (ibid. pp. 339-40) Miró's own reflection on the artistic process further articulates his late style: "... silence is denial of a noise - but the smallest noise in the midst of silence becomes enormous. The same process makes me look for noise hidden in silence, the movement in immobility, life in inanimate things, the infinite and the finite, forms in a void, and myself in anonymity." (M. Rowell, ed., Joan Miró: Selected Writings and Interviews, London, 1987, p. 253) Miró builds the present composition using a pictorial lexicon of signs and symbols, while still referencing recognizable objects, in this case, human figures. Working with thick lines and monochromatic spaces as his central compositional elements, Miró fully explored the possibilities of movement within a two-dimensional field. The influence of Abstract Expressionism compelled Miró to begin painting on a large scale, requiring the construction of a massive studio in Palma by the Catalan architect Josep Lluís Sert. The paintings he created from the early 1950s onwards are a fascinating response to these new trends of abstraction, while at the same time showing Miró's allegiance to his own artistic pursuits. By the late 1960s, Miró had become well-versed in the art of rendering his aesthetic ideas on a large-scale format. As was the case for most of these late works, the artist completed the picture in his studio in Palma de Mallorca, where the warm Mediterranean sunlight and invigorating sea air enlivened his desire to paint bold and exuberant oils.

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris
Annons

Land Coaster

One of the most distinguished sculptors of the post-war period, David Smith radically introduced the language of industrial manufacturing and metallurgy into post-war fine art , expressing through his large-scale sculptural compositions the mythology of Abstract Expressionist painters. Executed in 1960, Land Coaster is an early example of Smiths mastery of metallurgy and his experimental handling of three-dimensional space and form. The welded elements of Land Coaster present an elegant yet weighty presence that, conceptualized around open spaces rather than carved in concrete form, testify to Smiths sophisticated genius for balancing void and solid within a single sculpture, and his appreciation for figurative and natural imagery while prioritizing sculptural integrity. Contributing to the importance of the present work in Smiths grand oeuvre, Land Coaster belongs to a limited number of sculptures beginning in 1957 with Wheel III which incorporate wheels as an integral element of their design, the inclusion of which as a purely aesthetic element with no intended utilitarian purpose radically collided pure form with industrial use value. Undoubtedly influenced by Alberto Giacomettis Chariot executed ten years prior in 1950, Land Coaster refers back to Smiths earliest body of works which more clearly reveal the influence of Giacomettis sculptural Surrealism, while simultaneously showcasing Smiths innovative spirit and experimental approach to sculpture. In Land Coaster, star-like metal disks rise out of the wheeled platform base, pre-existing elements which Smith has intricately welded together in a collage-like composition such that they sweep skyward with a degree of movement and agility that belies the weightiness of the metal elements and brings to mind the clustering of stars in an astronomical constellation. Demonstrating Smiths captivating ability to suggest latent figuration through total abstraction, Land Coaster carefully retains a sense of the human figure: a circular disk crowns the top of the vertical structure like a head, and the two wheels at its base ground Land Coaster like feet. In its intricate geometric logic and arresting frontality, the present work is particularly evocative of the artists Cubi sculptures; evincing the captivating juxtaposition of abstract form with compelling figuration for which the revered Cubi are known. In a series of oft-reproduced photographs, Land Coaster is remarkably captured in progress on Smiths garage studio floor at Bolton Landing and identified by Smith himself with inscriptions on the photograph. Capturing Land Coaster in a state of half-completion magnificently reveals the collage-like approach of found readymade materials that Smith took to his sculptural compositions. Assuming approximately the positions of their ultimate three-dimensional arrangement, the distinct elements of Land Coaster here lay arranged on a strip of floor which Smith painted white. This approach uniquely allowed Smith to compose and rearrange elements without concern of gravity, and the white floor provided him a sharp contrast of color that facilitated his ability to imagine negative space in the finished work. This photograph also reveals numerous works underway in varying stages of completion, notably Doorway on Wheel, also from 1960 and now in the permanent collection of the Harvard Art Museum. That Smith simultaneously worked on and revised numerous sculptures at once reveals the meticulous consideration and painstaking deliberation he paid each element and the collaborative approach he took to creating these sculptures, each informing and influencing one another. Magnificently capturing Smiths exceptional craftsmanship and exemplifying his revolutionary understanding of sculpture as drawing in space, Land Coaster is an enduring monument to the legacy of one of American postwar arts most radical sculptural innovators. Inscribed with the artist's signature and dated 2/10/60

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

Personnage

Conceived in 1982. Inscribed Miró, numbered 3/4 and stamped with the foundry mark FONDERIA BONVICINI VERONA ITALIA "What are these figures of Miró that stand before us... Neither men nor beasts, nor monsters nor intermediate creatures, but with something of all these. Of what 'elsewhere' are they native, from what regions of the fantastic have they traveled" (J. Dupin, "Miró as a sculptor" in Miró in Montreal, Montreal, 1986, p. 31). Confronting the fantastical and inexplicable three-dimensional forms Miró created, his biographer, Jacques Dupin, has written, Miró was the drunken sculptor who staggered but did not fall, who pursued his tight-rope dance among malicious spirits taking form, and answering to his step. It was just a game, but a game in which all the danger lay in this similar to the delirium of sleep, where minuscule creatures take on gigantic dimensions And the only way we may face them is to submit them to our own personal whims or to submit to theirs: this is the rule of reciprocity of these works.  Each partner is vulnerable, each awaiting that the other affirm his existence. (J. Dupin, Miró, Barcelona, 1993, p. 382) Miró experimented with a variety of media in the creation of his sculptures. He worked in ceramic as well as the more traditional method of modeling in clay for casting in bronze. One of his great innovations was the employment of found materials, which he either uniquely assembled in a collage fashion or cast in bronze for integration with freely modeled forms. While the processes and materials that make up Mirós sculptures can be described and identified, an explanation or interpretation of the specific forms continuously eludes us. Just as Dupin views the works as independent presences that exist by their own logic, Joan Texidor notes, The personages now achieve a more self-assured forcefulness, they have become guardian effigies. We could, thus, justly qualify them as enormous. And enormity is precisely the first feature to impress us. Yet, slowly, the initial impression of their massiveness shifts toward other sensations. Finally, we clearly sense that these enigmatic totems have once again arisen before us to question us. (quoted in ibid., p. 382)

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris
Annons

A RUBY AND DIAMOND 'BUTTERFLY' NECKLACE, BY FAIDEE

A RUBY AND DIAMOND 'BUTTERFLY' NECKLACE, BY FAIDEE Designed as a series of butterfly motifs, set with thirty graduated oval-shaped rubies weighing approximately 5.01 to 0.98 carats, to the marquise and pear-shaped diamond wings and brilliant-cut diamond accents, mounted in platinum and 18k yellow gold, 39.0 cm long, in black Faidee case With maker's mark for Faidee Accompanied by report no. 13037267/1 to 30 dated 18 March 2013 from the Gübelin Gemmological Laboratory stating that the rubies weighing 5.01 to 0.98 carat are of Burma (Myanmar) origin, with no indications of heating and this colour variety may also be called "pigeon's blood red" in the trade Also accompanied by report no. 6142751630 dated 1 March 2013 from the Gemological Institute of America stating that the natural rubies weighing 48.30 carat total are of Burma (Myanmar) origin, with no indications of heating and the color appearance of the rubies are described in the trade as "pigeon's blood"; also accompanied by a monograph and letter stating that the rubies are wonderful examples of the classic Pigeon's Blood colour. The intensity of the red colour combined with the exquisite design gives these gems a sensation that is truly fitting subject for detailed documentation Report no. 1139845998 dated 27 August 2012 from the Gemological Institute of America stating that the 1.34 carat diamond is E colour, VS1 clarity, excellent polish The total weight of the certified rubies is 48.30 carats

  • CHNKina
  • 2013-09-26
Slagpris
Visa pris

Fish and Water Weeds

Delicate, dynamic, and dazzling to behold, Alexander Calder's Fish and Water Weeds from circa 1942 beautifully exemplifies the imagination and ingenuity that characterize the inventive sculptures from the early part of the artist's prolific career. Executed entirely in brass, the present work reveals Calder in the earliest years of his career as one of the most inventive and avant-garde artistic figures at the forefront of European and American Art. The fish is one of Calder's most celebrated and enchanting subjects, a form he thoroughly explored in some of his most accomplished works. Made from simple raw material that nevertheless produces a magically engaging visual experience, Fish and Water Weeds brings to life Calders spontaneity in an elegant mobile whose enchanting magnificence belies its industrial medium.  Some of the most significant formal and kinetic developments early in the artists career are perfectly crystallized in the intimately sized Fish and Water Weeds, enchantingly capturing Calder's inimitable drawing in space. Five whirls of curlicue adorned wire cascade down from the apex of the frame, suspending two gracefully outlined fish, which have been reduced to an almost simplistic and economical use of line. The floating forms of hammered brass catch the light as the abstracted weeds and fish gently sway in midair, adding a lustrous texture to the work and mimicking the effects of light shimmering underwater. In a brief introductory text meant to inspire younger artists to draw, titled Animal Sketching, Calder described his immediate and direct approach: Animals Action. These two words go hand in hand in art. Their lives are of necessity active and their activities are reflected in an alert grace of line even when they are in repose or asleep. Indeed, because of their markings many animals appear to be awake when they are sleeping, and many mammals sleep so lightly that even when apparently asleep they will move their ears in the direction of a sound that is inaudible to usSo there is always a feeling of perpetual motion about animals and to draw them successfully this must be borne in mind. (Alexander Calder, Animal Sketching, Pelham, NY, 1926, p. 9) Calder captures the animation latent in living creatures in the present work, allowing nature itself to dictate the movements of both the fish and weeds, and indeed imbuing his brass animals with life. A descendant of sculptors Alexander Milne Calder (the artists grandfather) and Stirling Calder (the artists father), Alexander Sandy Calder was first introduced to art at a very young age when his parents used him as a model for their sculptures and paintings. Through acquaintances of his parents Alexander and Nanette, Calder met several patrons and artists who furthered his unconventional artistic education. From an early age, Calder experimented with manipulating small pieces of brass into minute objects; he would subsequently construct sculptures for his parents, jewelry for his sisters dolls, and even a small wagon with his uncle, Ronald Calder. Following his graduation from the Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey in 1919, Calder occupied a number of disparate jobs, none of which satisfied him as much as the drawing classes he took at night. In 1923, Calder returned to school and enrolled at the Art Students League, which provided a more progressive and structured schooling than his upbringing. Having settled on what was arguably his destiny as an artist, Calder began to sketch constantly, finding inspiration in everything from animals to sporting events to the circus. Although he would eventually turn to abstraction, Calder sometimes returned to the figure, evident in the present work. It was not until 1925 that Calder would execute his first sculpture in wire, and like the present work, it was zoomorphic. Of this crucial moment in his career, Calder reflected: I had no clock and faced south, so I made a sundial with a piece of wire a wire rooster on a vertical rod with radiating lines at the foot indicating the hours. Id made things out of wire before jewelry, toys but this was my first effort to represent an animal in wire. (Alexander Calder, Calder: An Autobiography with Pictures, New York, 1966, pp. 71-72) Calders love for animals and action would persist as a common theme in his jewelry, drawings, mobiles, and sculptures, a fascination that is captured in the enchanting Fish and Water Weeds. Like his contemporaries F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway, Gerald Murphy, and Man Ray, Calder was drawn to Paris as an affordable place to live and a captivating environment in which to experiment with new forms and materials within his practice. It was in Paris that Calder met the Spanish artist, Joan Miró, and gained introduction to the work of the Surrealists; although Calder would never lend himself to their pure psychic automatism (the phrase André Breton coined to define the Surrealist movement), he did align with their sensibility of freeing the imagination and the Subconscious. Joined to Miró by his love of the unconventional and the unexpected, Calder began drawing in space with wire, creating portraits of friends and acquaintances, among them Fernand Léger. Not only did Calder veraciously capture his models likenesses, but he also succeeded in imbuing these works with each subjects individual personality. Inspired by the exuberant movements of the vivacious and internationally renowned dancer Josephine Baker, Calder suspended several of his wire portraits of her from threads so that they moved freely and more accurately represented the dancers elegance and grace. Of this momentous breakthrough achieved in the late 1920s, Joan M. Marter elaborates: These suspended wire constructions took Calder one step closer to the creation of his wind-driven mobiles of the 1930s. Even before he began composing abstract elements to form mobiles, Calder had taken into account the delicate equilibrium the sculpture would need to hang properly and move freely. (Joan M. Marter, Alexander Calder, Cambridge, 1991, p. 60) Even before he became known for his iconic mobiles and stabiles, Calder was well-regarded both in America and Europe, and by 1930 had held several exhibitions on both sides of the Atlantic. The present work, although executed in the early 1940s when the artist had already visibly demonstrated a shift toward abstraction, remains a critical coalescence of the breakthroughs that would transform Calders practice from drawings to wire sculptures to suspended sculptures to the quintessential mobiles and stabiles with which he would forever be associated. This work is registered in the archives of the Calder Foundation, New York, under application number A09301.

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

La Chouette en colère

"Sculpture is the best comment that a painter can make on painting." - Pablo Picasso  The subject of La Chouette en colère had a special appeal for Picasso who had rescued and cared for an owl that had fallen from the ceiling beams while the artist was painting at the Château Grimaldi in Antibes in 1946. In her autobiography, Picassos lover Françoise Gilot fondly recalled his combative relationship with the owl: Every time the owl snorted at Picasso he would shout Cochon, Merde, and a few other obscenities, just to show that he was even worse-mannered than him, but Picassos fingers, though small, were tough and the owl didnt hurt him. Finally the owl would let him scratch his head and gradually came to perch on his finger instead of biting it, but even so, he still looked very unhappy (F. Gilot, My Life with Picasso, New York, 1964). The owl was a subject which came to permeate Picassos visual language, providing a major motif through the 1950s and 1960s, particularly in his ceramics. In these exquisitely crafted ceramics, the owl became part of his personal iconography; Picasso was aware of the owl-like quality of his own face and thereby in extension the work can be read as a projection of the artists identity. Executed in 1953, this unique work is one of a number of individually painted ceramic owls which were cast from an original white earthenware model. Long-celebrated as amongst the best examples of the artists playful and innovative approach, Picassos ceramics have undergone a crucial reassessment in recent years. Following a number of important exhibitions as well as series of critical studies, his ceramics have come to be understood as a key aspect of his wider artistic production. This has realigned his work in clay as an activity concurrent with his painting and sculpture and emphasized the important reciprocal links between them in ceramics Picassos imagination was matched by the versatility of the medium. Picassos son Claude has vivid memories of the creative process involved in producing ceramics: Working with the primal elements fire and earth must have appealed to him because of the almost magical results. Simple means, terrific effect. How ravishing to see colours sing after internal fires have given them life. The owls managed a wink now. The bulls seemed ready to bellow. The pigeons, still warm from the electric kiln, sat proudly brooding over their warm eggs. I touched them. They were alive really. The faces smiled. You could hear the band at the bullfight (C. Picasso, in Picasso: Sculptor/Painter (exhibition catalogue), Tate Gallery, London, 1994, p. 223). Claude Picasso has confirmed the authenticity of this work. Signed Picasso

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

Tête de femme au chignon

"I want to get to a stage where nobody can tell how a picture of mine is done. What's the point of that Simply that I want nothing but emotion given off by it." - Pablo Picasso Tête de femme au chignon is one of Picassos last painted portraits of his beloved wife and muse Jacqueline Roque, created in the penultimate year of his life. Jacqueline was Picassos devoted second wife who remained with him until the time of his death in 1973, and his renderings of Jacqueline constitute the largest group of images of any of the women in his life. The artist first met Jacqueline in 1952 at the pottery studio in Vallauris, while he was still living with Françoise Gilot. By 1954 Gilot had left the scene, and the unmistakable raven-haired beauty began to appear in Picasso's paintings. Unlike Gilot, Jacqueline was accepting of the notoriously temperamental artist and his blind obsession with his art. Her unflappable support won the artist's heart, and Picasso married her in 1961. The photographer David Douglas Duncan, who knew Picasso and Jacqueline well during these years, observed that the couple lived in a world of his own creation, where he reigned almost as a king yet cherished only two treasures - freedom and the love of Jacqueline. (D. D. Duncan, Picasso and Jacqueline, New York, 1988, p. 9) Although Jacqueline never posed for Picasso, with her large eyes, strong nose and the characteristic chignon, the woman depicted in the present work bears the features with which the artist usually portrayed his last muse. As in the present work, Picasso often depicted Jacqueline in double-profile, a stylistic device invented in his portraits of Dora Maar, but the roots of which go back to his cubist experiments with multiple view-points. While borrowing elements from his own artistic past, Picasso here created an image with a force and freedom he only achieved in the last decade of his career. At the same time, the expression of anxiety on the sitters face suggests that the work can also be seen as a self-portrait, reflecting the vulnerability and a sense of mortality towards the end of his life. John Richardson wrote about Picassos depictions of Jacqueline: The brilliant series of portraits that record Jacquelines triumphant rise as Picassos maîtresse-en-titre reveal not only the splendors but also the miseries of her new role. Picasso and Jacqueline were more or less the same height (5 feet 4 inches), and they could easily be mistaken for father and daughter in that they both had strikingly larger features, notably very large eyes... In his portraits of Jacqueline, Picasso often gave her his eyes enormously magnified, but nonetheless submissive; infinitely loving, but sometimes sick or scared. (J. Richardson in Picasso, The Mediterranean Years, 1945-1962 (exhibition catalogue), Gagosian Gallery, London, 2010, pp. 29 & 33) The emotional complexities of this stage of the artists life are poignantly rendered in this portrait. Tête de femme au chignon was included in the now-legendary exhibition of Picassos last great works, organized by Jacqueline at the Palais des Papes in Avignon shortly after the artists death in 1973. Painted with an extraordinary sense of energy and urgency, the present work bears witness to the creative force that characterized Picasso's late years. Having gone through many phases of stylistic and technical experimentation, by this time Picassos painting displayed a confidence and freedom of execution that enabled him to paint large-scale works executed in bold, sweeping brushstrokes. Dated Mardi 8 Fevrier 72. on the reverse

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris
Annons

Landscape and Calligraphy

DONG QICHANG (1555-1636) Landscape and Calligraphy Handscroll, ink on silk 36.5 x 1034 cm. (14 3/8 x 407 in.) Painting inscribed and signed, with one seal of the artist Calligraphy signed, with two seals of the artist Three collectors’ seals Frontispiece by Wang Zhideng(1535-1612), with two seals “Artistry is largely inherent, yet can be acquired to some extent through reading and travelling. With a clear mind, mounds and gullies are formed, and the cities in Shangdong and Hubei are built.” - Essays on Paintings Theories, Dong Qichang A prominent figure in the history of Chinese painting and calligraphy, Dong Qichang advocated the classification of Chinese paintings into Southern School and Northern School, based on the two different styles and techniques employed in landscape paintings. The Northern School was represented by artists like Li Sixun, Zhao Boju, Ma Yuan and Xia Gui, while the Southern School was represented by masters such as Guan Tong, Dong Yuan, Ju Ruan, Mi Fu and Mi Youren. Elegant, smooth and light, Dong’s calligraphy stems from the characters of the Jin dynasty. His great mastery of the wrist and brush renders calligraphy with rhythm and vigour, which seems clumsy but actually very skillful. Dong’s calligraphy was highly regarded by Emperor Kangxi and Qianlong, which became the model to be learnt by scholars and officials of the Qing court and hence, had a profound impact on the development of Chinese calligraphy. Landscape and Calligraphy is based on the poem Ode to Misty River and MountainPeaks in the collection of Wang Dingguo by Su Shi of the Song dynasty and on the painting Misty River and Mountain Peaks by the Song master Wang Shen (aka Wang Jinqin). Su Shi created the poem in 1088 for his friend, Wang Dingguo whose collection of paintings included Misty River and Mountain Peaks by Wang Jinqin. According to the colophon of this work by Dong Qichang, Misty River and Mountain Peaks was in the collection of Wang Shizhen (1526-1590) who lent it to Chen Jiru (1558-1639) for his appreciation. Chen showed the painting to his close friend Dong Qichang who regretted not being able to copy it on time and as a result, his version was not a full copy of the original work. Dong Qichang asked his friend Wang Zhideng (1535-1612) to furnish a frontispiece for this work. The artist’s friendship with his contemporaries including Chen Jiru and Wang Zhideng was depicted in another painting by Dong, Exalted Gathering in the Green Woods, now in the Minneapolis Institute of Art,Minnesota, the United States. Compare with another handscroll of Misty River and Mountain Peaks by Dong Qichang, now in the Shanghai Museum of Art, which comprises a larger landscape and a poem by Su Shi in small script. The talent of Dong Qichang is manifested through his versatile treatment of the same subject.

  • GBRStorbritannien
  • 2016-05-30
Slagpris
Visa pris

The 114 bottle romanee-conti superlot 1992-2010 (114 bts)

THE 114 BOTTLE ROMANEE-CONTI SUPERLOT 1992-2010 Domaine de la Romanee-Conti Cote de Nuits, Grand Cru 1992 (6 bts) owc 1993 (6 bts) owc 1994 (6 bts) cn 1995 (6 bts) owc 1996 (6 bts) owc 1997 (6 bts) owc 1998 (6 bts) owc 1999 (6 bts) wc 2000 (6 bts) owc 2001 (6 bts) wc 2002 (6 bts) wc 2003 (6 bts) 2 owc 2004 (6 bts) 2 owc 2005 (6 bts) 2 owc 2006 (6 bts) owc 2007 (6 bts) 1 owc, 1 cn 2008 (6 bts) 2 owc 2009 (6 bts) 2 owc 2010 (6 bts) 4 owc Lot 6020 114 bottles, 23 owc, 3 wc, 2 cn per lot: HKD 12000000-20000000 per lot: US$1500000-2500000 THE 114 BOTTLE ROMANEE-CONTI SUPERLOT 1992-2010 This unique lot contains a total of 114 bottles - six bottles of each of the 19 vintages of Romanee-Conti made from 1992 to 2010. With an annual production of about 5,000 bottles, Romanee-Conti is one of the rarest and most desirable wines in the world. To find 114 bottles in one lot is unheard of and as such, represents a once in a lifetime opportunity to acquire an instant library of this Burgundy icon All bottles were acquired by a private collector from excellent UK trade sources and recently shipped from London to Sotheby's Hong Kong warehouse via temperature controlled reefer containe. This is undoubtedly the most exciting Superlot we have ever sold, anywhere, and it is entirely composed of the wine that many would regard as the greatest in the world, Romanee-Conti. It is difficult to imagine such a treasure trove of such a rare, and superlative, wine, but exist it does and here it is in Hong Kong. Romanee-Conti hardly needs any introduction. However, many would only know it as a name, as the incredibly small production (average annual production 450 cases) precludes widespread sampling. Existing as a separate entity since 1584, this plot of a mere 1.81 hectares of brown, chalky soil, with clay and iron content, produces wines of such scent and finesse, length, breed and sheer beauty that they almost defy description. We continue to try, evoking truffles, damp earth, ethereal texture, depth and complexity. This precious piece of land is managed with consummate skill and extreme care, on biodynamic principles and always with the aim of obtaining perfect grape ripeness, whatever the risk. Initially slow to show its full impact, Romanee-Conti keeps its counsel for years, gradually exploding into its great, hedonistic, full-blown intensity. Under normal circumstances, it would be difficult for anyone to follow this magical process, but the buyer of this Romanee-Conti Superlot can do just this. With 6 bottles of each vintage from 1992 to 2010, bottles can be tried at various stages of their life, an intoxicating experience. This period of time encompasses a great epoch for Burgundy, with a string of very fine vintages of which Romanee-Conti took full advantage. I follow each vintage from its youth, when the promise of glory is mega-evident, but to be able to reach for a bottle at every moment of its maturity would be a treat of the highest order. The sourcing of these wines was impeccable, curated by a Master of Wine at all stages of its acquisition. I once wrote that, if a wine could have a soul, it would be Romanee-Conti. I still believe that and only wish that I could 'soul-search' on a more frequent basis! Serena Sutcliffe M.W. Head of International Wine ROMANEE CONTI SUPERLOT CONDITION NOTES 1992 u. 2x3cm, 1x3.5cm, bottle #s 01403-01408, 2 corks slightly raised, otherwise excellent appearance 1993 u. 1x3cm, 4x3.5cm, bottle #s 01392-01397, 1 label has a small stain in the bottom left corner, 1 slight sign of old seepage, otherwise very good appearance 1994 Bottle #s 01332, 01335, 01336, 01338, 01340, 01343, 1 label has a tiny mark, 2 back labels slightly marked in red 1995 Bottle #s 01770-01775, excellent levels and appearance 1996 Bottle #s 02038-02043, excellent levels and appearance 1997 u. 1x3cm, 1x4cm, bottle #s 02337-02342, 1 very slight sign of old seepage, otherwise excellent appearance 1998 Bottle #s 01917-01922, excellent levels and appearance 1999 Bottle #s 02086, 05180, 05055, 04539, 05665, 05723, 1 label very slightly damaged in bottom right corner, otherwise good levels and appearance, DRC wooden case 2000 Bottle #s 02191-02196, excellent levels and appearance, straw wrapped 2001 Bottle #s 02355, 02357, 02379, 02380, 04977, 04978, excellent levels and appearance, DRC wooden case 2002 Bottle #s 01375, 01389, 01568, 01577, 01757, 01758, excellent levels and appearance, wine comes from 2 different importers, DRC wooden case, wc missing original lid 2003 Bottle #s 00016-00018 & 00499-00501, 2 labels very slightly smudged, 2 capsules showing slight signs of old seepage, 2 corks very slightly raised 2004 Bottle #s 04650-04652 & 04653-04655, excellent levels and appearance 2005 Bottle #s 02332-02334 & 02329-02331, 1 label lightly marked down left side, otherwise excellent levels and appearance 2006 Bottle #s 02986-02991, excellent levels and appearance 2007 Bottle #s 00478-00480, & 02011, 03308, 03309, excellent levels and appearance, wine comes from 2 different importers, 1x3bt owc 2008 Bottle #s 01717-01719 & 01687-01689, excellent levels and appearance 2009 Bottle #s 04109-04111 & 04235-04237, excellent levels and appearance 2010 Bottle #s 01507-01509, 01164, 01238, 03264, excellent levels and appearance, wine comes from different importers, 1x3bt owc, 3x1bt owc THE 1992 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 4776 This is a delicious vintage at DRC, very enticing in all its fruity scent and charm.-- These are wines to lap up now, but watch out for all the inimitable DRC complexities that then steal up on you. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1992 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Quite an earthy nose. Meaty and even 'charred'. A touch of roast on the taste. Good acidity. Just a touch dry at the end with some gaminess. This is now mature, soft and ready. Slips down in silky fashion. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1993 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 3600 Dismiss all thoughts of Bordeaux when you consider the Burgundy 1993s - and, as always, think of DRC as in a class of its own.-- This is a DRC vintage of substance and delight, for the most part now approaching maturity, especially in bottle, although you could keep large formats for longer. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1993 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Last tasted in Methuselah. Wonderful nose of wild herbs on the 'garrigues'. The taste gets fuller and fuller in the glass, very much due to the large format bottle, I feel. A superb vintage and a powerful wine. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1994 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 4210 The vintage was not uniformly good throughout Burgundy, but the Domaine makes its own rules and they waited until the sun returned on 20 September before planning the harvest.-- As a result, there is none of the 'severity' you sometimes see in this vintage and the beautiful scents you find in each 'climat' are all there.-- In my view, this is a DRC year, across the board, that you can now broach with pleasure. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1994 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note A wonderful, breedy scent leads into a taste that just expands on the palate, lingering and beguiling. We decided against decanting and poured it into big Riedel Burgundy 'ballons' and this suited the wine perfectly. There is something briary, smoky and mysterious about this wine. It has now opened out in a silky smooth way. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1995 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5397 Late picking at the Domaine in this vintage did the trick and the wines have real opulence, attractive plumpness and all the myriad flavours you expect from each precious vineyard.-- I have particularly noticed tastes of black cherry jam of the kind that you get in the best Swiss hostelries! Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1995 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note A piercingly beautiful scent that is pure Romanee Conti. Violets, liquorice, both wild cherries (griottes) and black cherries - the kind you get in Swiss jam. Multi-layered, many splendoured taste. Super-charged red and black fruit, a touch of vanilla and a real dollop of concentrated intensity. Above all, the supreme intensity of Romanee Conti. This is breed "personified" in a wine. Will keep for longer than anyone reading this. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1996 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 6101 This great, beautifully defined vintage has a particular characteristic that is, in fact, found all over France this year - a remarkable concentration of both sugar and acidity, due to the combination of hot days and cold nights, a North wind and dryness.-- This immediately confers strong personality and longevity to the wines.-- The Domaine harvested as late as possible to exploit this exciting marriage of high natural degrees (more than 13 degrees in Romanee Conti and La Tache) and high acidity, giving high-wire balance to the wines.-- Romanee Conti was picked on the glorious morning of 1st October and the harvest finished on 3rd October with La Tache.-- A luminous vintage with wines of great length and precision. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1996 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note The total experience in this great vintage. The bouquet has everything. Violets, peat, raspberries. A mind-blasting, complete taste. A huge mouthful of wild cherries with plummy fruit and liquorice, all backed up by terrific tannin and ace acidity. Peat and black cherries on the finish. Monumental wine - a pillar of the vinous century in Burgundy. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1997 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 4814 In autumn 1997, Aubert de Villaine said: 'The grapes are perhaps the most perfect we have picked these last few years, real jewels...', but sadly, there were not many of them as 1997 stands as the lowest yielding vintage of the preceding ten years.-- Extremes of cold, humidity and finally fabulous heat ensured that only the hardiest grapes survived and prospered and the result is wines that show purity of fruit, finesse and clear vineyard characteristics.-- The latter quality always makes for riveting comparisons between the Domaine 'climats', one of my favourite pursuits in the whole wine world. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1997 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Heavenly "sweet", ripe nose. Deeply scented projection. A mouthful of best Burgundian terroir, untrammelled fruit and multi-dimensional flavour. This is a Romanee-Conti that will turn gamey - I am convinced it will be the grouse wine "par excellence" in a few years' time. Glorious rich, gummy, thick yet elegant texture. Renoir in the glass! Unfolds endlessly. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 1998 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5064 In December 2000, Aubert de Villaine wrote: "Never have I seen a more slowly evolving vintage but we were optimistic - the colours are beautiful, the aromas are enticing and there is lovely fruit with the eyes yet to open." Aubert de Villaine had reason to be optimistic about this profound, complex vintage at the Domaine. -The cause of the 'slow start' was the prolonged 'elevage', with malolactic fermentation taking up to 12 months as opposed to the usual 3-6 months. -Only a single racking took place just before June 2000 and this was done by hand, cask by cask, with the wines falling quite naturally bright and clear. -This is another manifestation of the Domaine's Haute Couture approach. -Will the wines turn out like the 1952s?- That is a tall order, but it is not inconceivable. - Serena Sutcliffe, MW 1998 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note That extra special "elan" on the nose that always distinguishes Romanee-Conti from the rest. A real cherry kernel flavour, deep and persistent. The filigree, lacy texture of the climat. A tight, concentrated finish denotes the potential longevity, plus a mineral sign-off. Serena Sutcliffe, MW BOTTLES PRODUCED: 6917 We are talking about a very grand vintage here, one of the greatest in my lifetime for red Burgundy.-- As expected, the Domaine took full advantage of nature's gifts and rolled out an array of stupendous wines that, twelve years later, are just 'peeping above the parapet'.-- Perfect ripeness on old vines is a magic recipe and, not surprisingly, the Domaine took full advantage of this wonderful raw material.-- Concentrated sugar has given the wines a voluptuous character, with natural glycerol vying with finesse and elegance, all finally combining to create sheer excitement at every level. Serena Sutcliffe, MW Aubert de Villaine was moved to say:- 'We observed this year the almost miraculous combination of high sugar contents and consequent high degrees of alcohol, good acidity from very concentrated berries and perfect health of the grapes.-- It is interesting to underline that the combination of these three factors in the same harvest only occurs very, very rarely.' 1999 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note La Tache may have the grandeur and the flamboyance in this vintage, but Romanee-Conti has the balance, the breed and the endless finish. DRC really did attain perfection this year, for which they can be justifiably proud, while we can be eternally grateful. It is the power and the nobility of bouquet and taste that really set these wines apart in 1999 and Romanee-Conti itself epitomises these qualities. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2000 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 6286 Some erroneously dismiss the 2000s as rather light, but they are opening out to be truly delectable. The DRC wines are, of course, imposing at every level with ripe tannins and considerable charm. The high percentage of older vines, with an average age of 52 years for Romanee-Conti, lies at the heart of the magical quality here. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2000 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note The Millennium vintage exploded on to the horizon with this beautifully balanced wine, so ripe and with such fresh acidity - those wonderful old vines immensely contributed here. Opulent, complex, refined and intricate, with a huge dollop of 2000 charm. It lingers on the palate in a very filigree, lacy way. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2001 VINTAGE "These are classic 'vins de garde', powerful, beautifully structured, but with both elegance and a seductive quality." Aubert de Villaine BOTTLES PRODUCED: 6407 The weather produced everything in 2001, from extremes of heat and glorious weather to storms and even cold. Meticulous selection was the secret here and the result is tremendous. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2001 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note At first, a slightly reticent, tremendously breedy Romanee-Conti nose. Then, as it meets the air, high octane wild strawberries nose of utter purity. The scent permeates the whole taste. Amazing flavour of sugared fraises de bois which explodes onto the palate. Such finesse of texture. Loganberries. Tremendous health. This is wine like no other - it knows no rivals. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2002 VINTAGE "For us, they are not wines of charm, they are wines of the future. A beautiful vintage." Aubert de Villaine. BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5548 One can see why Aubert said this - he was anxious that these perfectly lovely wines should not be drunk too young! Their fruity flamboyance might seduce their lucky owners into pulling corks too soon, thus depriving themselves of some gorgeous scents and flavours that emerge with bottle age. The glorious ripeness has real, architectural structure underneath - 2002 had a lower production at the Domaine than both 2001 and 2000. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2002 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Without a doubt, this is the Domaine's top wine in this vintage, packing more depth into it than the very attractive La Tache. It is the spiciness together with the breed that win the day, with underlying mineral elements and structure that I think will take it further into the future than La Tache. However, with these two wines, I am always ready to review my opinion! Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2003 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 3575 Everything about this vintage is 'legendary'. With ten days in August when the temperature went over 38 degrees Celsius (100 degrees Fahrenheit), the harvest began with the Echezeaux on 25th August and lasted just eight short mornings. The must was so rich that a relatively short vatting of 15 days was effected and the co-owners, Aubert de Villaine and Henri-Frederic Roch, decided not to acidify in spite of the very low acidity readings and to bottle earlier than usual. The wines have increasingly shown their individual terroir and characteristics and they have exciting fruit and freshness. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2003 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note The amazing element behind Romanee-Conti this year is that the wine has almost 'normal' acidity, whether due to the individual terroir, the remarkably old average age (53 years) of the vines, or the minute yield, we do not know. Suffice it to say that it has a magic scent that is totally true and utterly impressive in its purity and clarity. Complex and packed with aromatics. The taste is of pure bilberries, astonishing. Soft and mellow on the long finish. Reined in glory. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2004 VINTAGE "A vintage which in so many ways exemplifies perfectly our vision for this Domaine, offering a fidelity and transparency in each terroir allied to a purity, elegance and seduction which will assure it a privileged position among the beautiful vintages of these last few years." Aubert de Villaine BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5663 Undoubtedly, the Domaine made the wines of the vintage. This was a year when viticultural skills were tested to the limit and ruthless pruning, combined with the decision to wait until 25 September before beginning the harvest, have given us wines that excel. The naturally high alcohols, for the vintage, were achieved by the numerous super-concentrated berries releasing their sugars at the very end of the fermentations. The rest is history in the glass. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2004 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Amazing persistence on the nose, with spicy smokiness. Incredible flavour and length with the silky seduction that marks out this unique vineyard. You could call this weightless density. There is even a touch of nuttiness on the finish which I sometimes see in Romanee-Conti. This wine has a very far horizon of development. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2005 VINTAGE Aubert de Villaine said this about the vintage: "What we have here are wines with incredible energy, virility and concentration: their power more than measures up to a vintage keen to stamp its mark, against which they are fighting long and hard to impose their terroir." BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5489 Aubert's picturesque description of this outstanding vintage reflects both its legendary potential, for these are very long-lived wines, and its inherent 'wildness', a characteristic that I adore in a great Burgundy. The huge fruit and power hit you immediately, almost like a tiger waiting to pounce. Dark density, deeply enveloping flavour and vibrant sweetness are the key words here. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2005 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Notes of tobacco and liquorice on the nose. So elegant and streamlined. A completely different texture from La Tache. A huge concentrated kernel, or centre, of cassis. Tight-knit heart. Still guarding its best secrets for us. Will be a landmark Romanee-Conti. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2006 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 5546 This was a rollercoaster viticultural year, crowned with four great weeks in September.-- Virtually the entire month was fine and the grapes ripened apace, reaching a crescendo in the third week when the official harvest date was announced for 18 September, with the Domaine starting two days later.-- Ripeness levels here were as high as those attained in 2005 and the resulting wines surprised us all with their sheer class, style, finesse and elegance, truly packed with flavour. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2006 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Extremely complex spicy nose, multi-layered and mysterious. Enormous, packed-down concentration on the palate. A wonderful sweet, gummy taste. A finish of pure blueberries. Peaty aftertaste plus huge fruit. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2007 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 4088 This was a growing season that gave cause for concern.-- After a really warm April start, flowering did not go as planned and then the summer turned into a battle with mildew, oidium and botrytis, dealt with at the Domaine using organic and biodynamic methods. --However, from 20th August until the end of September, it was gloriously sunny, bright and fresh, setting the scene for rapidly increasing degree levels.-- The Domaine harvested in wonderful conditions during the first 8 days of September, giving a natural 13 degrees of alcohol.-- I remember writing, after the first tasting of the great Romanee Conti this year, 'the 2007s here are Chamber Music wines, rather than full orchestral Mahler' - and that is what I love about them. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2007 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note A smoky, tobacco-like quality to the bouquet. Then the archetypal sweetness comes through, with the emphasis on red cherries. It is like having a whole bowl of red and black fruit in the mouth. This really wins the day in 2007. A beautifully clear, clean sign-off. Rose petals and liquorice. This is pure class in the bottle. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2008 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 3151 Aubert de Villaine put it very succinctly when he said, 'It is extraordinary and something I have hardly ever seen in even 40 years - 2008 has the ripeness and maturity of a great vintage but at a cost in yield that is so savage'.-- Ruthless selection, leaf stripping and bunch thinning encouraged ripening, but luminously good weather did not materialise until 14 September.- The Domaine waited until 27 September to start harvesting, which lasted until 6 October.- Gorgeous, silky concentration is the result and all the sacrifices paid off. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2008 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note The phenomenally low yield and tireless vineyard work produced a wine that is gloriously expressive on the nose, announcing all the juicy fruit, concentration and silky structure that one finds on the palate. The length is both sensual and seductive, alluring in its purity and ability to fill the mouth with old-vine (an average age of 56 years) sweetness. Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2009 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 6465 There has to be something about Burgundy years that end in 9 - just think about it!-- Maybe there is a hint of 1959 in this vintage......It was an exceptionally sunny year, culminating in an Indian summer.-- There was a lot of vineyard protection from April to July, with both heat and storms, but from early August all was sweetness and light, albeit with dry conditions.-- Small clusters, small berries and yet generous quantity all made for smiling faces.-- The Domaine's harvest on the Cote de Nuits lasted from 13-19 September and the wines are terrific, rich, opulent and mouth-filling. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2009 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note Initially, less exuberant on the nose than La Tache but then the subtlety of all the scents pours in, blueberries and flowers. A 'lightness of being' on the palate in terms of refinement and finesse. Such sweet persistence, all lace and silk while La Tache is damask. A great compote of black fruit with an ethereal finish. One floats away on a cloud..... Serena Sutcliffe, MW THE 2010 VINTAGE BOTTLES PRODUCED: 4636 This is a simply beautiful vintage, but that does not mean it was an easy one!-- The lengthy, irregular flowering ensured a somewhat mean quantity and humid conditions in summer demanded vigilance and work.-- Small berries and thick skins resisted well the heat and storms of August and September, so that the Domaine could wait until 24 September to begin the harvest in Vosne, with the end of the second picking on 5 October.-- It is an extraordinary year for the sheer character and personality of each and every wine, intense, full of impact and, obviously, set for a long life due to the combination of freshness and depth.-- I intend to live long enough to see them burst into full bloom. Serena Sutcliffe, MW 2010 Romanee-Conti Tasting Note 19 hl/ha. Average age of vines: 56 years. Total production: 386 cases. This has the most intense nose of all the DRC wines in 2010, with totally enveloping eastern spices. Reminds me of heavenly apres-ski gluhwein! A mineral bite to it on the palate. Richer and deeper than all the others and the impact of the flavour is more pronounced. Beautifully defined, precise and poised, with a strawberry kickback. The juiciness of this vintage is so appealing. One of the great Romanee-Contis. Serena Sutcliffe, MW The Romanee Conti Superlot (lot 6020) has been designated as a 'Premium Lot' Please see page 167 in the Guide for Prospective Wine Buyers for complete requirements for bidding on Premium Lots. • Clients are requested to register 48 hours before the auction to register to bid on this lot • Online bidding is not available for this lot - bids may be placed in writing via absentee, by phone or live in the auction room • Bidding in person live in the auction room requires a 'Premium Paddle' from the Paddle Registration Desk • Clients who wish to bid on this lot may be requested by Sotheby's to complete the pre-registration application form and to deliver to Sotheby's a deposit and financial references or guarantees

  • HKGHongkong (S.A.R. Kina)
  • 2014-10-04
Slagpris
Visa pris
Annons

Le Vase jaune dans un paysage

Impressive in scale and vibrant in coloration, Le Vase jaune dans un paysage is a striking example of the art that Léger produced in the last decade of his career, and represents a summary of a life-time of pictorial experimentation. In the late 1940s Léger created a number of oils in which he broke barriers between genres, combining elements of landscape, still-life and figure painting in a single composition. In the present work, he couples objects traditionally associated with still-life painting, such as the large imposing jug and a bucket, with a landscape setting. Dominated by the trees and plants in the foreground, the otherwise rustic, gently undulating scenery is interrupted by the pronounced horizontal, vertical and diagonal lines of the frame in the upper part of the canvas, reminiscent of the scaffolding that features in numerous paintings from the series of Constructeurs, a dominant theme in the last years of Légers oeuvre. Executed in large blocks of bright tones, the work encapsulates Légers belief that it is the primary colors, combined with black and white, that express the reality of the medium of painting. Rather than representing a likeness of the world that surrounds him, the artist uses patches of color as the principal element of the composition, creating new spatial relationships within the two-dimensional plane of the canvas. The areas of bright, unmodulated pigment stand in contrast to the organic elements such as the tree and the clouds, which are rendered in a modernist version of the chiaroscuro technique. In 1950 Léger wrote: The plastic life, the picture, is made up of harmonious relationships among volumes, lines, and colors. These are the three forces that must govern works of art. If, in organizing these three elements harmoniously, one finds that objects, elements of reality, can enter into the composition, it may be better and may give the work more richness (quoted in C. Lanchner, Fernand Léger, New York, 1998, p. 247). Having spent much of the war period in the United States, in 1946 Léger returned to his Paris studio at Rue Notre-Dame-des-Champs, and to his second studio in Montrouge. On his return to France, Léger continued the work he had begun in the United States, but now often working on much larger formats than those of his pre-war years. This penchant for the large-scale was undoubtedly an American legacy . Légers great achievement during the post-war period was to conclude the experiments with color, transparency and movement that had taken specific shape in the United States. These experiments were closely bound up with the cinema, Léger trying out different media and subjects throughout this last phase of his career to achieve an extraordinary oeuvre. He had been a keen film fan ever since his first discovery of the cinema on his arrival in Paris in 1900, and with Ballet mécanique (1924) had made his own foray into the medium. Transparency and movement, framing, the play of light, and the possibilities for superimposition all intrigued him, and his pictorial experiments were dominated by moving images. In his later works, drawing creates a framework and a pretext, while color provides dynamic structure. (B. Hedel-Samson in Exh. cat., Basel, Fondation Beyeler, Fernand Léger: Paris New York, Basel, 2008, p. 123) Légers use of color and treatment of pictorial space in turn had a strong influence on the subsequent generation of artists and played a key role in the development of Pop Art. Signed F. LEGER and dated 49 lower right; signed F. LEGER, titled LE VASE JAUNE DANS LE PAYSAGE, and dated 49 on the reverse

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

Mother with Child on Lap

Conceived in 1982 and executed in an edition of nine. Inscribed Moore and numbered 8/9 The theme of maternity was a central motif in Moore's art. Figures of mothers with their babies appear throughout his career, usually at times in his life when parenthood was particularly on his mind. Moore was a new grandfather and nearing the end of his life when he created the present work, and his own experiences with his grandchild inspired several sculptures devoted to this theme. In the present work, Moore renders the seated mother cradling her baby, and her block form and pyramidal pose call to mind iconic Renaissance images of the Madonna. Although the figures are dramatically abstracted, Moore invests the sculpture with warmth and tenderness. Writing about the attractions of this subject matter for Henry Moore, Anne Garrould has stated: The mother-and-child theme is concerned with a subject which was not only very close to Moores heart but also with the contours and shapes in which Moore delightedthe swelling breast, the rounded thigh, the arched back, the curving, cradling arm. (Exh. cat., Hempsted, New York, Hofstra University Museum (& travelling), Mother and Child: The Art of Henry Moore, 1987-88, p. 22) It was not just the form which attracted Moore towards this theme. The sculptors function creating an artwork from a block of stone, a plaster, a bronze cast draws parallels to the process of gestation, birth and nurture. The theme of the mother and child, not only refers to the paternal relationships but is about fertility, maternity, and growthuniversal ideas. It evokes images of the egg, the womb, and the uncarved stone. The mother and child motif goes beyond the images to a primal motif based on the theme of life and birth, for Moore it means creativity. The art is reminiscent of some of the earliest primitive images due to its conceptual base. Moores work is an attempt to get at the essential nature and to shape it from within. (G. Gelburd in ibid., p. 39) Other casts of this work are included in the collections of the Henry Moore Foundation and the Hakone Open-Air Museum. This work is recorded in the archives of the Henry Moore Foundation.

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

A SAPPHIRE AND DIAMOND RING

A SAPPHIRE AND DIAMOND RING Set with a cushion-shaped sapphire weighing 11.18 carats, within a surround set with oval-shaped diamonds weighing from 1.02 to 0.51 carats, mounted in 18k white gold, ring size 6½ Accompanied by report no. 68812 dated 25 June 2013 from the SSEF Swiss Gemmological Institute stating that the 11.18 carat sapphire is of Kashmir origin, with no indications of heating; also accompanied by an appendix stating that the 11.18 sapphire possesses extraordinary characteristics and merits special mention and appreciation. The sapphire exhibits an attractive saturated blue colour, combined with an exceptional purity. The tiny inclusions found by microscopic inspection are the hallmarks of sapphires from the reputed historic deposit in Kashmir, located in a remote part of the Himalayan Mountains in India. The velvety and saturated blue colour of this sapphire is due to very fine and subtle inclusions and a combination of well-balanced trace elements in the gemstone, typical and characteristics for the finest sapphires of Kashmir. This sapphire has been spared exposure to heat treatment and its clarity and colour are thus all natural. A natural sapphire from Kashmir of this size and quality is rare and exceptional Also accompanied by report no. 13067115 dated 21 June 2013 from the Gübelin Gemmological Laboratory stating that the 11.18 carat sapphire is of Kashmir origin, with no indications of heating; also accompanied by an appendix stating that the 11.18 carat sapphire possesses a richly saturated and homogeneous colour, combined with a high degree of transparency, and a finely proportioned cut. In addition, this remarkable gemstone has been spared thermal treatment. Such a combination of characteristics is rare in natural Kashmir sapphires of this size Eight reports dated from 20 December 2007 to 24 January 2013 from the Gemological Institute of America stating that the oval-shaped diamonds weighing from 1.02 to 0.51 carat range from D colour, VVS1 to VS1 clarity Please note that one certificate is more than 5 years old and might require an update

  • CHNKina
  • 2013-09-26
Slagpris
Visa pris

Diego (tête sur socle cubique)

Conceived in 1958. Inscribed with the signature Alberto Giacometti, numbered 6/6 and with the foundry mark Susse Fondeur Paris The present work is an iconic rendering of Giacometti's younger brother Diego, arguably his most important model, who played a central role in the artist's personal and professional life. Diego devoted a major part of his own artistic career to assisting Alberto with his sculpture and supervising the casting of his bronzes. By the early 1950s, Alberto had gained considerable critical recognition in Paris and had amassed a broad clientele, while Diego had just begun to design his bronze furniture, which would finally make him famous in his own right. Well aware of his younger brother's talent, Alberto encouraged Diego to pursue his own career. Nevertheless, Alberto relied heavily upon his brother's expertise and recognized him as indispensable in the production of numerous innovative sculptures. The present work from 1958 provides one of Alberto's more realistic portrayals of his brother's features, calling attention to the complexity of the human psyche and the transfixing, psychological power of the younger man's gaze. Discussing the sculptures executed during this period, Yves Bonnefoy wrote: "These sculpted faces compel one to face them as if one were speaking to the person, meeting his eyes and thereby understanding better the compression, the narrowing that Giacometti imposed on the chin or the nose or the general shape of the skull. This was the period when Giacometti was most strongly conscious of the fact that the inside of the plaster or clay mass which he modeled was something inert, undifferentiated, nocturnal, that it betrays the life he sought to represent, and that he must therefore strive to eliminate this purely spatial dimension by constricting the material to fit the most prominent characteristics of the face. This is exactly what he achieves with amazing vigor when, occasionally, he gave Diego's face a blade-like narrowness - drawing seems to have eliminated the plaster, the head has escaped from space - and demands therefore that the spectator stand in front of the sculpture as he did himself, disregarding the back and sides of his model and as bound to a face-to-face relationship." (Y. Bonnefoy, Alberto Giacometti, A Biography of his Work, Paris, 1991, p. 432) The authenticity of this work has been confirmed by the Comité Giacometti and it is recorded in the Alberto Giacometti database as AGD 3903.

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

JACK BUTLER YEATS RHA (1871-1957) A Fair Day, Mayo Oil on canvas

JACK BUTLER YEATS RHA (1871-1957) A Fair Day, Mayo Oil on canvas, 61 x 91.5cms (24 x 36'') Signed.. Provenance : Lent by the Artist to Eamon De Valera for his office in Suffolk Place Waddington Galleries Dublin 1942 Dawson Gallery Dublin 1944 where purchased from Leo Smith by the current owners Father and has remained as part of the Collection at their family home ''Deepwell'' ever since. A photocopy of the original receipt dated 31st Oct 1944 where it was one of two Yeat's paintings bought that day accompanies this lot. Exhibited:-RHA Annual Exhibition Dublin 1927 Cat. No. 55 ''Irish Art from Private Collections 1870 - 1930'' Wexford Arts Cemtre 1977 Cat. No. 42 ''Images in Yeats'' Centre de Congr?, Monaco June 1990 National Gallery of Ireland July 1990 Cat. No. 15 ''The Moderns'' IMMA October 2010 - February 2011 Cat. No. 20 Literature: ''Images in Yeats'' 1990 Monaco/Dublin Cat. No. 15 illustrated ''Jack B. Yeats - a catalogue Raisonn? of the oil paintings'' by Hilary Pyle 1992 P277 Cat. No. 303. Further reproduced in colour Vol III P279. ''The art of Jack B. Yeats'' by TG Rosenthal Andr? Deutsch 1993 No. 34 illustrated P81. ''Jack Yeats - a biography'' by Bruce Arnold 1998 - Yale University Press - illustrated on easel with artist - back cover. ''A time and a place - two centuries of Irish social life'' National Gallery of Ireland 2006 Illustrated P145 ''The Moderns'' IMMA 2011 Full page illustration P51. 1925 was a major milestone in the development of the artists work,changing from his early narrative style to expressionism. ''Fair Day Mayo'' was described by Hilary Pyle as ''perhaps his last straight painting of the bustle and excitement of a country fair''.,

  • IRLIrland
  • 2011-10-04
Slagpris
Visa pris

Château d'Yquem

THE LIQUID GOLD COLLECTION THREE CENTURIES OF CHATEAU D'YQUEM The finest and most extensive Collection of Château d'Yquem, both in bottles and magnums, ever to appear at auction Château d'Yquem Sauternes, 1er grand cru classé. Château-bottled Offered for sale lying in a secure and temperature and humidity controlled location in France Details of the Château The wines of Château d'Yquem are legendary in the world of Fine Wine. This historic property sits on top of a small hill, with commanding views over its neighbouring Sauternes Châteaux, surrounded by its immaculate and well-tended vines that are famous for bearing the grapes that make this world renowned dessert wine. The history of the buildings at dYquem dates back to the 12th Century and the estate itself, established in the 16th Century. Classified in 1855 as Premier Grand Cru Class the reputation and quality of the wines were at that time already widely known and indeed, d'Yquem wines were considered as superior to the other First Growths of the Médoc that were recognised in the same Classification. The most illustrious and successful period of ownership was under the Lur-Saluces Family from 1785-1997 and since that date the property has been owned a by the LVMH group. Because of its trademark richness and opulence, the wines of Château d'Yquem occupy a unique place in the history and appreciation of Fine Wine. The greatest vintages from the 19th and early 20th Centuries, if well cellared, can still offer glorious tasting experiences now in the 21st Century, with the more modern classics from the latter half of the last Century to the present day, still able to be kept for many, many decades. The methods of production have always been strictly controlled and monitored and because of this rigorous selection, it is said that each vine at d'Yquem only produces one small glass of the golden nectar that is without doubt, the most celebrated sweet wine in the world. The roll-call of famous vintages produced here is almost without end and from the 19th Century would include the 1825, 1858, 1864, 1869, 1874, 1893 and 1899. The first half of the 20th Century also produced numerous wines that acquired global fame and reputation such as 1900, 1921, 1929, 1937, 1945, 1947 and 1949. Nor has vintage success diminished in the most recent 6 decades with vintages such as 1959, 1967, 1975, 1983, 1986, 1989, 1990 and 2001 being the most sought-after wines of more recent times. Details of this Collection This incredible and totally unique Liquid Gold Collection of Château d'Yquem, incorporates 128 bottles and 40 magnums; representing a wide range of rare and excellent vintages in bottle from the 19th Century, every vintage produced in bottle from the 20th and 21st Centuries plus the only major Collection of magnums ever offered at auction spanning the period 1900 to 2005. Even more importantly, virtually every bottle and magnum included in the Collection has been seen and approved by the dedicated staff at Château d'Yquem in recent times, either for application of new labels or capsules, or for controlled re-corking of many of the older vintages, during the period of 1989 to 2009. Younger vintages from the most recent half century of vintages, are principally still with original corks, capsules and labels. All are considered to be of excellent appearance with appropriate depth of colour for each vintage. The Romanov Decanter The unique nature of the Collection is further enhanced by its exclusive presentation in custom-built individual wooden cases, carrying the Liquid Gold Collection logo and vintages for each 12 bottle or 6 magnum outer case. Also included with the Lot, is a very rare and special etched Decanter, from a limited edition of 5 only, this being #4, produced especially by Baccarat for Château d'Yquem and taken from an original 19th Century design created for the Romanovs, the Russian Royal Family. This is without doubt in our view, the finest and most extensive Collection of Château d'Yquem, both in bottles and magnums, ever to appear at auction and allows prospective bidders the potential to own a unique and guaranteed collection of one of the world's Number One wines spanning three Centuries. David Elswood International Head of Wine Christie's - one bottle (75cl.) of each of the following vintages From the 19th Century - 1825, 1856, 1857, 1858, 1860, 1862, 1864, 1865, 1867, 1869, 1870, 1874, 1876, 1878, 1879, 1881, 1882, 1884, 1885, 1887, 1889, 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, 1894, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899 From the 20th Century - 1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1904, 1905, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1911, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1916, 1917, 1918, 1919, 1920, 1921, 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925, 1926, 1927, 1928, 1929, 1931, 1932, 1933, 1934, 1935, 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1942, 1943, 1944, 1945, 1946, 1947, 1948, 1949, 1950, 1953, 1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999 (No production existed for Château d'Yquem in 1910, 1915, 1930, 1951, 1952, 1964, 1972, 1974 and 1992) From the 21st Century - 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005 - and one magnum (150cl.) of each of the following vintages 1900, 1924, 1928, 1945, 1954, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1966, 1967, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1979, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005 All bottles and all magnums prior to the 1962 vintage in this collection have been inspected by Château d'Yquem between 1986 and 2009 and have been checked and reconditioned by them with re-corking where necessary and the application of new labels and capsules where required. Where a bottle or magnum has been recorked, the year of re-corking is branded on the cork. Hence all bottles and all magnums are of exceptional appearance with this unmatched guarantee of authenticity. All bottles and magnums are of the approriate depth of colour considered correct for each vintage and all ullages are at top shoulder/base of neck or better. 40 magnums and 128 bottles per lot

  • HKGHongkong (S.A.R. Kina)
  • 2010-05-29
Slagpris
Visa pris

Fleur dansante

Dating from 1957, Fleur dansante is a beautiful example of Arps mature sculpture, displaying a formal purity and a high level of abstraction that characterize his most accomplished works. Its elegant, elongated form is subtly reminiscent of a human figure, while its simplicity and smooth, polished surface transcend a human form, metamorphosing into the flower referred to in the title. This abstract, transcendental quality characteristic of Arps late sculpture bears strong stylistic, technical and poetic affinities with the work of Constantin Brancusi. As Stephanie Poley observed: Arp was concerned with purity, with being free, being independent of everything unpleasant and limiting, and with the active, constant emission of positive energy as well as its perception. (S. Poley in Exh. cat., Minneapolis, Minneapolis Museum of Art, Arp, 1987, p. 229) Guided by chance and intuition, the artist created organic, irregular shapes evocative of natural forms and parts of human anatomy. Although he developed a highly abstract pictorial vocabulary, Arp always established a connection between these biomorphic forms and elements of the natural world in such a way as to unveil the mysterious and poetic elements hidden in the world around us. Arp enjoyed seeing his sculptures in natural settings as seen by his large bronzes and carvings placed in the garden outside his studio, where they could merge into the landscape and become one with nature. A cast of Fleur dansante, alongside a number of other sculptures, graced the garden of the artists villa at Meudon, at the outskirts of Paris. The legendary art historian and museum director Alfred Barr once described Jean Arp as a one-man laboratory for the discovery of new form. (quoted in J. T. Soby, Exh. cat., New York, The Museum of Modern Art, Arp, 1958, p. 7) The present work is indeed an extraordinary example of the artist's ability to take inspiration from natural forms around him, while always managing to transcend the realm of the tangible. The wonderfully organic and sensual quality of this sculpture is further enhanced by its title, which gives it a tender, romantic, as well as a playful note. The artist is inviting the viewer to join him in looking and marveling with fresh eyes at the forms that surround us: objects that when presented in an unfamiliar context or scale, look more like forms from the landscape of our subconscious. The viewer cannot help but be seduced by the sculptures undulating lines and admire the subtle yet voluptuous curves and shadowy crevices. The plaster of Fleur dansante is at the Stiftung Hans Arp und Sophie Taeuber-Art in Remagen, Germany, and another bronze cast is at the Art Gallery of Ontario in Toronto. Inscribed with the artist's monogram, numbered 3/3 and with the foundry mark Susse Fondr Paris

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

Solitary Form

In her aspiration towards universality, Hepworth embraced an abstract mode of expression, avoiding any narrative in her compositions. With its solid geometric shapes, Solitary Form possesses a sense of timelessness and a static grandeur of totems. Around the time she created the present work, Hepworth wrote about the meaning that she assigned to many of her sculptures: Working in the abstract way seems to realize ones personality and sharpen the perceptions so that in the observation of humanity or landscape it is the wholeness of inner intention which moves one so profoundly. The components fall into place and one is no longer aware of the detail except as the necessary significance of wholeness and unity a rhythm of form which has its roots in earth but reaches outwards towards the unknown experiences of the figure. The thought underlying this form is, for me, the delicate balance the spirit of man maintains between his knowledge and the laws of the universe. (B. Hepworth, Barbara Hepworth. A Pictorial Autobiography, Bath, 1970, p. 93) As evidenced by Solitary Form, Hepworth drew her inspiration from a variety of aesthetic sources, including the monumental work of her contemporary Henry Moore, as well as the organic and elegant stone carvings of Brancusi and Arp. The artist herself acknowledged the powerful influence of both the landscape particularly the ancient stone sites of Cornwall - and its pagan history on her work. Hepworth lived in Cornwall for more than half her life, first moving there in the summer of 1939. The surrounding landscape, with its ancient standing stones, dramatic coastline and remarkable quality of light, had an immense impact on her artistic practice. As she wrote of her early years there, It was during this time that I gradually discovered the remarkable pagan landscape which lies between St. Ives, Penzance and Lands End; a landscape which still has a very deep effect on me, developing all my ideas about the relationship of the human figure in the landscape. (quoted in Barbara Hepworth. A Retrospective (exhibition catalogue), Tate Gallery, Liverpool, 1994, p. 81) The influence of this landscape is particularly evident in the work from the last decade of her life, when she returned to explore the forms that had been central to her earlier production, including the single standing form. An important example of Hepworths late work, Solitary Form is an elegant marble that beautifully illustrates her complete mastery of the medium. Carving was the artists predominant form of expression and the method through which she produced some of her most celebrated works. The introduction to carving came during the period Hepworth spent in Italy as a student, and it was also there that she was first drawn to the material properties of marble, and particularly to the white marbles that she would continue to use for the rest of her life. However, for Hepworth it was necessary to combine the material properties of the medium with a deeper sense of meaning, as she explained: In sculpture there must be a complete realization of the structure and quality of the stone or wood which is being carved. But I do not think this alone supplies the life and vitality of the sculpture. I believe that the understanding of the material and the meaning of the form being carved must be in perfect equilibrium. (quoted in Exh. cat., London, Whitechapel Gallery, Barbara Hepworth Retrospective Exhibition 1927-1954, 1954, p. 10) This work will be included in the revised catalogue raisonné of Hepworth's sculpture being prepared by Dr. Sophie Bowness under the catalogue no. BH 533.

  • USAUSA
  • 2018-05-16
Slagpris
Visa pris

Important gem set and diamond bracelet, 1930s

Designed as a wide band centring on a marquise-shaped diamond weighing 9.38 carats, framed with a pair of black enamelled trees decorated with carved emerald, ruby and sapphire leaves, accented with circular-cut diamonds of yellow tint and cabochon rubies, and pavé-set throughout with near colourless circular- and single-cut diamonds, length approximately 185mm, accompanied by additional chain allowing to be worn as a choker, length approximately 145mm. Rubies, sapphires and emeralds carved in the shape of fruit, flowers, berries and birds made their appearance in Western jewellery around 1913 in a series of designs by Cartier’s brilliant designer Charles Jacqueau. These early sketches of pendants and brooches representing bowls of carved fruits and leafage and birds drinking from water fountains surrounded by flowers and foliage, are the predecessors of the hugely popular late 1920’s Cartier multi-coloured gemstones jewels that in recent years have become known  as ‘Tutti Frutti’. The carving of the precious stones into organic shapes was almost certainly done for Cartier in India although gems carved in this way were not used in traditional Indian jewellery. Cartier, however, often used them in designs of Indian inspiration such as the celebrated ‘Collier Hindou’ created in 1936 for heiress and socialite Daisy Fellowes and sold at Sotheby’s in Geneva in May 1991. In the late 1920’s and early 1930’s Cartier excelled in the creation of sumptuous bracelets designed as wide bands of undulating branches of leaves and berries, mounted with carved stoned and gem beads studded with diamonds and highlighted with onyx or black enamel. The style was widely popular both sides of the Atlantic and many of the famous jewellery maisons of the time such as Mauboussin, Mellerio dits Meller, Ostertag, Van Cleef & Arpels and Yard produced an array of multi-coloured carved gemstones bracelets, bracelets, watches, brooches, clips and double clips. The bracelet offered here is a magnificent and impressive example of this type of jewellery. The imposing size, the quality of manufacture, and the large marquise shaped diamond at the centre makes this jewel a truly exceptional creation of the late Art Deco period.

  • GBRStorbritannien
  • 2013-11-13
Slagpris
Visa pris

* Observera att priset inte är omräknat till dagens värde, utan avser det faktiska slutpriset vid tidpunkten då varan såldes.

Vill du få dina saker värderade av experter?

Vin & Sprit

Alla alkoholhaltiga drycker som finns på auktion hittar ni här, däribland årgångsviner, champagne, dessertvin, och portvin vintage tillsammans med öl, whiskey och annan sprit.